Paris Peace Conf. 184.01202/69
Mr. Franklin Day to the Commission to Negotiate Peace
[Received March 3.]
Gentlemen: I have the honour to transmit below a review of the political situation in Germany today.
The murder of Eisner in Munich has precipitated outbreaks of radical movements in many parts of Germany. The situation in Munich is not yet clear and no reports have reached Berlin of the action of the Bavarian congress of Soldiers and Workmens Councils. In consequence it can not be told yet whether a Soviet Republic will be proclaimed or whether a more democratic government will be formed. It is stated in the press today that the Independent Socialist Haase, who belongs to the less radical wing of his party as well as Barth, who leads the more radical elements, have counselled against the creation of a purely Soviet form of government and have advised energetically that the Independent Socialists come to an agreement with the Majority Socialists. At the same time reports, the authenticity of which can not be controlled, state that there is a great movement within both parties for a union of the Socialist parties, a union which is to be effected by a promise of more speedy socialization on the part of Majority Socialists, together with the recognition in some form of the Workmens councils as organs of the government, in return for which the Independent Socialists will support the government. Information which I have from a reliable source states that in the Cabinet Scheidemann is still opposed to any recognition of the workmens [Page 42] and Soldiers Councils but that the Majority Socialists in the Cabinet are quite ready to recognize these bodies. This recognition would probably take the form of the recognition of these bodies as a form of Workmens Councils who would have the right of veto of any bill passed by the National Assembly which would then become subject to a referendum. This was contained in an amendment which the Independent Socialists proposed for the provisional constitution and which was defeated by a large majority in the National Assembly.
The situation of the government is such that it must come to an agreement with the radical elements. Spartacus is becoming dangerous again, not in Berlin, but in many other industrial regions. Duesseldorf, Plauen, parts of the Ruhr district and some smaller towns are under the control of the Spartacists and the danger of Spartacism in Munich is not over, besides a general strike has been called in Halle, Dresden, Leipzig and in fact in all of Saxony and Thuringia. These strikes are organized by the Independent Socialists and the demands of the workmen are for immediate Socialization of the mines and of all insurance, for the recognition of the Workmens and Soldiers Councils and for the legal recognition of those Workmens Councils which control each industrial plant and are elected from the workmen in each particular factory to supervise the production of that factory. The train to Weimar is not able to run because of fear of Spartacist attacks upon it and the government, with the exception of Ebert who is in Berlin, is isolated in Weimar. The railway employees have struck in all of Saxony and Thuringia and no trains are running. The complete control of this district by forces hostile to the government would cut Northern Germany entirely from communication with the other parts and would make it difficult to send troops to threatened points. The officials in a number of towns have struck in protest and in some smaller towns strikes of the professional men and the shopkeepers have also been called in answer to the threatening attitude of labour.
The government faces enormous difficulties at this time. The strike movement is well planned and is here generally believed to be the prelude to a second revolution. Besides these more or less pacific strikers the industrial districts however hold a number of armed and determined Spartacists who follow a plan of inciting revolts against the government in one city after another in order to worry the government and leave it no quiet. In this they often have the tacit support of the Independent Socialists who proclaim a neutrality which is benevolent toward Spartacus and hostile toward the government. This is probably done because the Independents hope to accede to power by help of the Spartacists, hoping also that they will be able to rid themselves of them as soon as they are in power. This is a [Page 43] vain hope and would in the event of the arrival in power of the Independent Socialists lead to a real strengthening of Spartacus. The latter would then be better armed than now, as the Independents would not disarm them and the radicalization of the masses once begun could not easily be stopped. The Independent Socialists have too consistently availed themselves of the financial and moral aid of the Bolsheviks to be rid of their influence and would in the end be forced to adopt their ideas. The coming months which will no doubt increase the problems of lack of work and of the food supply will give radical labour agitation, which while not Bolshevik in its immediate aspects still has strong and growing tendencies toward accepting them, a fertile field. I venture to state that the opportunity to work and a betterment in food conditions alone can prevent what seems today to be an impending catastrophe.
I have [etc.]