File No. 763.72119/83
The Ambassador in Germany (Gerard) to the Secretary of State 1
[Forwarded to the President July 29.]
Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the Department’s instruction of June 17 relative to certain conditions in Germany, and to reply as follows:
I. The Foreign Office complains bitterly that it is under the control to a great extent of the military and naval authorities. Von Jagow told me that Bismarck had the same difficulty in 1870 and that he speaks of it in his memoirs. In this war there has been added the influence of the Marine Department, headed by Von Tirpitz, a popular character (largely on account of his aggressiveness and his beard), and the Marine Staff and Marine Cabinet, all independent and all reporting direct to the Kaiser. In fact all measures are agreed on by a sort of junta consisting of the Chancellor and Foreign Office, Von Tirpitz, Von Müller (Naval Cabinet), Behncke (Naval Staff, Berlin), Von Falkenhayn (General Staff), the Emperor, and sometimes, on commercial questions, Delbrück or the Interior Department, and people like Ballin (of the Hamburg-American Line) and Von Gwinner and others of big banks. The influence of Von Tirpitz is great; Falkenhayn is a courtier and has the ear of the Emperor, while the Chancellor bores the Emperor to death. On the submarine-warfare question Von Tirpitz wanted to establish a blockade of individual English ports, while the Admiralty Staff, of which Von Pohl was the head, at that time, succeeded in carrying through the proposition of a war zone and the general submarine war as now carried on. The Admiralty people have a very effective press bureau. The War Ministry has taken a purely administrative place.
[Page 44]II. The Socialist Party had agreed to “bury the hatchet” during the war. Liebknecht himself told me that they were united and relied on the army and that they must stand against Russian Czarismus. This was before the Gott-strafe-Englamd craze. There is now quite a split, the party leaders like Haase, Bernheim, and others being ready to criticize the Government and ask about the object of the war, but I am convinced the majority is against them; they cannot however be read out of the party except in a general assembly which they are not allowed to hold. A small number are in favor of annexing Belgium. I think it is safe to say that the Socialists are for the war but against annexation of more territory.
III. The more prosperous Germans are divided into two groups: One, composed of Junkers (country squires) and the ultra conservatives and royalists, is for an understanding with Russia after the war; the other group, consisting of shipowners, manufacturers and bankers and business men, is for an understanding with England. The Bund Neues Vaterland represents the latter group; an abstract of a leaflet issued by this Bund to its members, confidentially, is enclosed.1
IV. The spirit of the people is absolutely unbroken; they believe in ultimate victory and certainly have had no defeats. The wonderful organization takes care of everyone; money is plentiful, in fact there is a period of inflation. Wives of soldiers get a war allowance and so much per child and are better off than in peace times.
Public works, such as extending the underground railroad in Berlin, are being carried on. Small towns and villages feel the war more than Berlin; but there are no signs of failure of war spirit. Perhaps if the war means another winter campaign there may be a different spirit. I have heard many hints to that effect.
As to Germany’s war methods, they have the full approval of the people; the sinking of the Lusitania was universally approved, and even men like Von Gwinner, head of the German Bank, say they will treat the Mauretania in the same way if she comes out.
V. The general public want to keep Belgium. They say the sacrifices of the war demand a compensation. They are led by the official opinion. Only the Socialists want no new territory and there is a dissenting party even among them. People in Government circles say that to give up Belgium would be to invite a revolution and the expulsion of the Hohenzollerns. The whole German people is dangerously mad. I cannot give you in detail the sources of my information, most of it is confidential, but I have personal relations with all classes.
I have [etc.]
- Memorandum attached by the President July 31: “My dear Mr. Secretary: This is really a very interesting report, and the paper enclosed is little less than amazing in its detailed revelation of the whole German state of mind as (I have no doubt truthfully) represented by these various associations. Faithfully yours, W[oodrow] W[ilson]”↩
- Not printed.↩