763.72/11132a

The Secretary of State to President Wilson

My Dear Mr. President: The Governments of France, Italy and Great Britain, as you have seen by the reports, have given recognition to the Czechs as a sovereign nation or at least to the Czech National Council, in terms which are assumed to be a full recognition. Doubtless this was induced by our public expression of sympathy with the national aspirations of the oppressed races.

In view of this action by the Allied Governments I think that we ought to consider whether it is expedient to make a further declaration giving more complete definition to our attitude in order to encourage the Czecho-Slovaks in their struggle against the Central Powers.

Although I feel strongly that Austria-Hungary as an Empire should disappear since it is the keystone of Mittel-Europa, I do not think that it would be wise to give full recognition to the Czecho-Slovaks as a sovereign nation. Without discussing the legal objections a serious embarrassment would be the effect on the Jugo-Slavs, who would undoubtedly clamor for similar recognition and feel offended [Page 140] if it was not granted. In any event I think the declaration would have to contain a reservation as to territorial limits, which would materially weaken it.

Two other courses seem open in case it is deemed to be advisable to make any declaration at this time:

First. We might recognize the belligerency of the Czecho-Slovak revolutionists in view of their military organization operating in Siberia and Eastern Russia against Austrian loyalists and their German allies. I think that it would be proper in such case to recognize the Czecho-Slovak Council with Masaryk at its head as a de facto Revolutionary Government and give to it such aid as seems expedient. Basing this action on the state of belligerency the Jugo-Slavs would have no similar ground to claims recognition. As you know the jealousy of Italy and the desire of Serbia to absorb the Jugo-Slavs rather than to become federated with them makes it necessary to be cautious in deciding on a policy.

Second. It may be wise, in order to avoid any future charge of deception or secretiveness, to adopt a more general policy by issuing a frank declaration that the utter subservience of Austria-Hungary to Germany, whether the result of coercion, fear or inclination, forfeits whatever right the Dual Monarchy had to be treated as an independent state; that the nationalities aspiring to be free from Austro-Hungarian rule are still more entitled to be saved from German domination; that such nationalities should receive not only the sympathy but the material aid of all nations who realize the evil ambitions of Germany’s rulers; and that this Government is prepared to advance the cause of national freedom by assuming relations with any council or body of men truly representative of revolutionists against the Austro-Hungarian Government, who seek national independence by force of arms.

Such a declaration would avoid the question of defined territory and of naming any particular nationality, though the latter would later have to be done when a military organization was in actual operation.

If this course should be adopted, it would give Austria-Hungary notice that at the peace table we would oppose the continuance of the Empire in its present form and within its present boundaries. To that extent it would limit our freedom of action; but, if you have definitely decided that that should be the policy, its declaration can do little harm since Austria-Hungary is and will continue to be a tool of Germany.

It would cause a profound impression and would deeply affect the nationalities involved; it would put heart into the patriots now attempting to organize revolutions in the Empire; and it would be a [Page 141] notification to the world that this Government intends to support and give substantial aid to all little nations which have been held in subjection against their will by the exercise of superior force.

I submit the foregoing as a proper subject for discussion at this time.

Faithfully yours,

Robert Lansing