710.11/203½a
The Secretary of State to the Chilean Ambassador (Suárez-Mujica)
My Dear Mr. Ambassador: I have laid before the President your counter-proposition and at his request present the situation as he views it.
First: He has communicated with Mr. House and finds that Mr. House did not intend to convey the impression that the presentation of this plan to the republics of Latin-America would depend upon its acceptance by any one or more countries. The misunderstanding on this subject probably arose from the suggestion made by him to the effect that, if approved by the three countries to which he presented it, these three countries might assist in presenting it to the other countries.
The President would not feel justified in making the negotiation of a treaty so important to all the countries dependent upon the action of any one country—action that might be controlled entirely by circumstances which, while they might justify the decision of that country not to enter into the agreement, might not affect other countries. And, besides, it would be unfair to any country to assume that it would be willing to stand in the way of the negotiation of such a treaty merely because it, for any reason, was not able to join in the convention.
Second: The President feels that the agreement will be greatly strengthened by the guarantee of a republican form of government and he doubts whether it would be possible to secure the ratification of the treaty by the Senate if this guarantee were omitted.
While it is true, as you suggest, that the form of government is, in the first instance, a matter to be decided by the people of the country, still, in view of the fact that all of these countries have adopted the republican form of government, and in view of the further fact that the trend of the world is toward the idea of popular government, it would seem that the right of return to monarchy is one that need not be considered. It is not likely that officials of any government would be willing to create uneasiness in the minds of the people of that country by any action which would even suggest the possibility of an abandonment of the government’s representative character.
Third: The President feels that the guaranty of territorial integrity is an essential part of the plan and that it would be unwise to eliminate it.
History has shown that nearly all wars have resulted in changing the territorial boundaries of the nations engaged—in fact, many [Page 483] wars have had such changes as their object. Nothing would go further to insure peace among the nations of the western hemisphere than an understanding that force would not be recognized as a legitimate means of acquiring territory.
The United States is not only willing to give assurances of its purpose in this respect, but is willing, if desired, to join with the Latin-American republics in giving specific and definite assurances that no contracting state will be forced to part with any of its territory.
Fourth: It is necessary, of course, to recognize the fact that there are existing disputes in regard to territory and boundaries which have to be taken into consideration, and the plan you propose of distinguishing between disputes over original boundaries and boundary disputes arising from other sources may point to a solution. The guaranty of territorial integrity might, for instance, read something like this:
“One: All territorial boundaries now agreed upon shall remain unchanged, and their establishment shall be guaranteed by the contracting parties.
“Two: All disputes as to original boundaries shall be determined in accordance with the plan set forth in the proposition submitted by the President, such disputed boundaries to be set forth specifically by the nations concerned.
“Three: Territorial disputes which have arisen from any other cause than disputes over original boundaries shall be specifically stated by the parties interested, and shall be adjusted as soon as circumstances will permit; the parties to the dispute pledging them-selves to put forth their best efforts to secure an early adjustment of these disputes, all boundaries, when finally determined, to be accepted in like manner as those already established, and to be for the future guaranteed.”
You will notice that the plan above outlined guarantees the permanence of the boundaries now agreed upon, provides for an early settlement of disputes over original boundaries and relieves from, embarrassment those nations which have territorial disputes that raise from other causes.
The provisions relating to existing disputes have not been submitted to Brazil or Argentina but are suggested to you tentatively by way of indicating what we would be quite willing to discuss if, in that form, they commend themselves to your Government.
As to the matter of arms we do not anticipate any difficulty in securing the ratification of a treaty pledging the contracting governments to an endeavor to secure legislation which will enable each government to prevent the export of arms intended for use by one of the contracting parties against another of the contracting parties. [Page 484] Your government has, within the last few months, given evidence of its adherence to this policy.
The provision above referred to, guaranteeing territorial integrity and national independence would, of course, be a protection to the contracting parties against foreign powers, as well as against each other.
While the United States has, for a century, borne alone the responsibility involved in preventing aggression from countries in the eastern hemisphere, and while the purpose of this Government in proposing this treaty is not to secure relief from these responsibilities, still it will be gratifying to this country to have the republics of Latin-America join in the upholding of what is known as the Monroe Doctrine, because such a recognition of the doctrine by them would prevent for the future any misunderstanding of its purpose and any underestimating of its value.
I have not mentioned the provision for embodying in the proposed treaty the principles of the treaties already negotiated, providing for investigation of all disputes. This we regard as of great value. The three countries so far interviewed agree to this and we have no doubt that all the rest will accept it.
The President hopes that your Government will, upon full consideration of the subject, find it possible to join in this treaty at this time. It will be a matter of sincere regret if existing conditions should compel your Government to postpone cooperation, but if, unhappily, such a course should be deemed advisable, the friendly relations existing between the United States and Chile, so firmly established and so frequently manifested, will prevent misinterpretation. Provision can be made in the treaty for the subsequent signing by such governments as do not become parties to the convention now.
Accept [etc.]