763.72111/4443

The Secretary of State to President Wilson 81

My Dear Mr. President: I enclose in compliance with your request of January 24th, supplemented by your letter of today, a memorandum of views on the subject of armed merchant vessels. From the standpoint of abstract right as well [as] of accepted legal rules I am convinced that the conclusions reached are just and should control our policy in dealing with this vexed and dangerous question.

Of course the whole matter boiled down is this: Since a belligerent has the right to capture or destroy private owned merchant ships of enemy register, such ships are entitled to defend themselves from certain loss to their owners, and their treatment as public ships because they carry an armament adequate to protect them from destruction can find no warrant in the rules of naval warfare or in justice.

I feel that we ought without delay to reach a very definite conclusion as to this matter because everything indicates the intention [Page 583] of the German authorities to treat all armed merchant vessels as ships of war. The press is industriously circulating this view and I understand it is getting its material from the German Embassy. Gerard’s reports all point the same way; and the memorandum sent me by the German Ambassador on January 10th (Enclosure B)82 makes it very evident that the stage is being set for a new act on the part of his Government. In fact everything is being done to prepare the American public for a more vigorous submarine war on commerce.

If we let the German memorandum go unanswered it will be alleged that we have accepted their interpretation of our declaration of March 25, 1916 (Enclosure C),83 and that we are, therefore, particeps criminis. Nothing we can say later will remove the impression on our own people that though fully warned we permitted Germany to proceed in her announced purpose of treating armed merchant vessels as warships. For that reason I deem it essential that a very definite attitude should be at once reached.

Furthermore, if the German Government carries out her manifest plan to renew ruthless submarine attacks I believe that the consequences will be irreparable so far as peace is concerned. Not only will the Entente powers be so enraged as to refuse to consider any overtures, but, if we with previous knowledge fail to do all we can to prevent it, your influence over them, I fear, will be seriously impaired, and the very hope of peace will be extinguished.

I believe this is a time to state to Germany frankly and with the greatest firmness our views and to impress them with the possibility of an actual break in our relations if they attempt to carry forward their plan. In dealing with that Government our greatest success has come when they saw we would not recede or compromise. I think this is a time to adopt that course. If we do not, we may expect, in my opinion, a critical situation especially if American citizens are killed or imperiled.

You may see, Mr. President, from what I have written that I am greatly agitated over the present state of affairs. I am indeed more anxious than I have been since the Sussex affair. In many ways this is even a greater crisis as so much depends on nothing being done which will prevent the movement toward peace, and that movement will, I am firmly convinced, come to an end if submarine war of a reckless sort is renewed by Germany.

[Page 584]

I enclose also for your consideration a report of the Neutrality Board on this subject (Enclosure D)84 which is referred to in my memorandum (Enclosure A).85

Faithfully yours,

Robert Lansing

P. S. Since writing the foregoing the German Ambassador has been to see me and has left me a communication accompanied by two memoranda (Enclosure E),86 which shows the prognostications were right, and we are face to face with the gravest crisis presented since the war began. I think that as soon as you have read these papers we should have a conference to determine the course to be taken.

R. L.
[Enclosure]

Memorandum on Armed Merchantmen

At present the condition of armed merchantmen may be stated as follows:

(1)
There is a tendency to increase the size of guns up to six inches on vessels coming to American ports.
(2)
The number of guns, in some cases, has also been increased from one to two on the stern. No guns have as yet been placed on the bow.
(3)
Naval gunners and officers, both of the Naval Reserve, have been put in charge of guns in many cases.
(4)
These men are reported as being paid by the steamship companies, but in a few cases it appears that the gunners are paid a shilling a week extra by the British Government.
(5)
Instructions have been issued for the guidance of merchantmen by the French Government, and perhaps by other governments, to “open fire as soon as the submarine is fairly within range,” or, if near by, to “try and ram it.” There have come to the Department’s notice reports of half a dozen instances in which armed merchantmen have fired at submarines on sight. Two or three of these vessels have subsequently come to American ports.
(6)
At a conference held at the London Foreign Office, December 10, 1916, it was agreed to arm all British, French, Russian, and Italian merchant ships with from two to four guns (according to the size of the vessel) of six-inch caliber or less, and to place them in charge of men and one to three officers, as the case might require.

[Page 585]

The Department’s memorandum of September, 1914,87 states that a merchant vessel of belligerent nationality may carry an armament and ammunition for the sole purpose of defense without acquiring the character of a ship of war; that the presence of an armament and ammunition on board a merchant vessel “creates a presumption that the armament is for offensive purposes,” but this presumption may be overcome by contrary evidence; that evidence sufficient to overcome this presumption might be, by way of illustration, that the guns are under six inches, few in number, mounted on the stern of the ship, manned by usual crew, and that the vessel follows its regular trade route, and carries the usual quantity of fuel and supplies, and the usual character of passengers; and that the conversion of a merchant ship into a ship of war is a question of fact to be established by evidence of the intention as to the use of the vessel.

The memorandum of March 25, 1916,88 states that a neutral government may proceed upon the presumption that

“an armed merchant vessel of belligerent nationality is armed for aggression, while a belligerent should proceed on the presumption that the vessel is armed for protection. Both of these presumptions may be overcome by evidence—the first by secondary or collateral evidence, since the fact to be established is negative in character”;

that

“A belligerent warship is any vessel which, under commission or orders of its government imposing penalties or entitling it to prize money, is armed for the purpose of seeking and capturing or destroying enemy property or hostile neutral property on the seas,”

the size of the vessel, strength of armament, and its defensive or offensive force being immaterial; that armed belligerent merchantmen which are under commission or orders to attack in all circumstances enemy naval vessels, are to receive prize money for such service, and are liable to a penalty for failure to obey the orders given, lose their status as peaceful merchant vessels, and are to a

“limited extent incorporated in the naval forces of their government, even though it is not their sole occupation to conduct hostile operations;”

that such vessels engaged

“intermittently in commerce and . . . in pursuing and attacking enemy naval craft, possess a status tainted with a hostile purpose which it can now throw aside or assume at will,”

[Page 586]

and should, therefore,

“be considered as an armed public vessel and receive the treatment of a warship by an enemy and by neutrals”;

that as to offensive and defensive operations of merchant vessels,

“The attacking vessel must display its colors before exercising belligerent rights”;

that

“When a belligerent warship meets a merchantman on the high seas which is known to be enemy-owned, and attempts to capture the vessel, the latter may exercise its right of self-protection either by flight or by resistance”;

that

“it has become the established practice for warships to give merchant vessels an opportunity to surrender or submit to visit and search before attempting to seize them by force”;

that

“If, however, before a summons to surrender is given, a merchantman of belligerent nationality, aware of the approach of an enemy warship, uses its armament to keep the enemy at a distance, or after it has been summoned to surrender, it resists or flees, the warship may properly exercise force to compel surrender”;

and that

“A merchantman entitled to exercise the right of self-protection may do so when certain of attack by an enemy warship; otherwise the exercise of the right would be so restricted as to render it ineffectual.”

As the present or proposed “defensive” character of merchant vessels enjoying the hospitality of United States ports or transporting American citizens on the seas shows a tendency to increase in point of government control, skilled personnel, and strength of armament, it is important to determine, if possible, the extent to which the increase may be carried without endangering the neutrality of the United States or limiting the protection to be accorded American citizens traversing the seas on armed merchant ships.

It may add to clearness of discussion to consider the classes of cases likely to arise when a warship and an armed merchant ship meet at sea.

(1)
A warship (a) sends up colors, and (b) signals a merchantman to stop, and the merchantman flees and fires—this is not offensive action, because the enemy nationality and the intention of the warship are known.
(2)
The merchantman makes no reply, the warship fires blank shots, and the merchantman flees and fires—not offensive action.
(3)
The warship then fires solid shot until merchantman is halted, and merchantman returns fire—not offensive action.
(4)
If, before (1), a merchant vessel is certain of enemy-character warship and then fires—not offensive action, because presence of enemy warship presumes attack.
(5)
If, after (1) (a) and before (1) (b) merchantman fires— not offensive action.
(6)
If, before (1), a warship chases a merchantman and latter fires—not offensive action, because chase by warship presumes attack.

These cover roughly all the classes of cases which might occur. From them it is evident that while it may be difficult to define “offensive” or “defensive” action in general terms, it is not difficult to determine which action has been taken in a specific case. This is because of the assumption which naturally comes to the mind that the presence of a battleship of known enemy nationality presages peaceful or forcible capture.

Perhaps it may be said generally that “offensive action” means action that is initiated by one ship against another, or is provocative of action in defense by the other. Such offensive action may be by direct attack, as by gunfire, ramming, etc., or it may be by signalling, chasing, etc. It is conceded that an enemy merchantman may interpose for self-protection against capture all the resistance in its power. The best method of defense may be to use force immediately upon the appearance of a warship. The mere appearance of a warship provokes resistance, but this is not offensive action. When the warship is a submarine, the best, if not the only time to resist is when it appears on the surface. It is no fault of the merchantman that a submarine can not safely expose itself to the resistance which merchantmen may legally make, or comply with the usual methods of visit and search, conveying to port, and placing persons in safety.

If a merchantman may resist capture or destruction, what is to govern the size, strength, or efficiency of her armament? The character of the craft she has to resist. It is out of the question for a vessel of the size and build of a merchant vessel to carry arms sufficient to keep off a battleship. Perhaps in the old days this was possible, for we read of merchantmen resisting and overpowering their assailants. If, however, this were possible today, it would be logically and legally correct for merchantmen to carry the armament of a warship. The number, size, and emplacement of the guns, therefore, is immaterial so long as they bear some relation to the vessel which it is purposed to resist. If this is so, then clearly a merchantman may carry sufficient armament to resist a thinly-armored submarine. If she may carry guns, she must be allowed skillful gunners under officers of experience. Otherwise, her guns may be practically useless.

[Page 588]

Suppose the belligerent government sought to control or direct the merchant ship through commissions or other orders to her officers to act as a part of the armed forces of the state, or through paid naval officers of the state in control of the vessel instead of merchant officers, or through penalties imposed or prizes offered to induce hostile conduct. The flying of a naval flag might be confirmatory of this condition. What effect would the presence of these elements have on the character of the vessel? They would make the vessel a fighting arm of the state. Theoretically, all of these elements might be present, and the vessel be used nevertheless as a commerce-carrier for profit, its fighting qualities being reserved for self-protection. Carried to the extreme limit, we might have a battleship engaged solely in peaceful commerce. What, then, can be the distinction between peaceful and aggressive ships? It is, as the United States has stated, really a matter of intention—an intention to seek out and hunt down war vessels of the enemy or merchant vessels of enemy nationality.

As a practical matter, however, there must be some rule to prevent neutrals being imposed upon by a change of intention after leaving port. The assurance of the belligerent does this in part, and this is supplemented by investigation of each case. The use of a battleship, for example, as a commerce-carrier would be so liable to abuse, and the very extraordinary and unnecessary preparations for the use of force, considering the surface strength of submarines, or converted cruisers, if they were the only enemy craft to be feared, would so arouse suspicions as to her intentions, that whatever her theoretical status might be, it would be difficult to believe, and the enemy could never be brought to believe, that such a vessel was not a ship intended for aggressive purposes. Moreover, being in the service, control, and direction of the state, she might well be regarded as a military arm of the state, and therefore indistinguishable from the class of public armed ships generally subject to attack without warning by the enemy. She would indeed fall within the rules agreed upon by the Second Hague Conference regarding the conversion of ships. According to the Hague Convention No. 7 of 1907,89 a merchantman is converted into a warship if the vessel is “placed under the direct authority, immediate control, and responsibility of the power whose flag it flies.” (Art. 1.) She “must bear the external marks which distinguish warships of their nationality” (Art. 2), have a “commander . . . in the service of the state and duly commissioned by competent authorities” (Art. 3), have a “crew . . . subject to military discipline.” (Art. 4), “observe in its [Page 589] operations the laws and customs of wars” (Art. 5), and “must as soon as possible be announced in the list of warships” (Art. 6.). These criteria have no binding force, as the Convention is not in effect, but they are important as indicating an agreement of nations on what constitutes a conversion of merchant ships into warships.

Suppose that the belligerent government own, control, and operate merchant ships. This may be done so long as they submit to treatment accorded to merchant ships in foreign ports. The Brazilian Lloyd ships are of this class, being operated as government ships by the Minister of Finance of Brazil. If such a vessel mounts arms for defense, she does not necessarily become a public fighting ship. A government-owned merchant ship is, it is true, under the “direct authority, immediate control, and responsibility” of the government, as provided in Hague Convention No. 7; the officers and crew are in the service of the state; the captain is no doubt duly commissioned, but as a merchant captain instead of a naval officer; the crew are not under military discipline; the vessel does not observe the laws and customs of war, because it does not engage in war; the vessel is not listed in the roster of warships, and does not carry a naval flag.

These distinctions, however, as to kind of officers, kind of discipline, kind of laws observed, kind of roster of ships, kind of flag—are of minor importance. For a vessel may be in fact a fighting arm of the state without any of them, and a peaceful commercial vessel with them all. The test is more fundamental. It is in the real purpose and use of the vessel. These distinctions are merely prima facie indications of the purpose and use. If, however, the purpose and use are peaceful, it will be hardly necessary for the vessel to have naval officers and marines, military discipline, naval commissions, a name on the roster of the fleet, or a naval flag. Nevertheless, as these criteria have hitherto by long custom been limited to fighting ships, their presence in connection with merchant vessels arouses at once inquiry as to the use to be made of such vessels. While the best evidence of that purpose and use will be the formal statement of the government controlling the vessel, and the past actions of the vessel itself, yet, if either should belie the fact, the neutral would be criticizable for having harbored such a ship. It is proper, if not necessary, therefore, for the neutral to be on the side of safety, and to refuse to recognize a vessel as a peaceful ship which has any of the usual characteristics of a naval vessel, or which has acted as an aggressive ship, notwithstanding the assurance of its government to the contrary or the evidence of prior peaceful conduct. Assurances may be regarded as binding the government that gives them to liability for breaches thereof to the extent of offsetting any claim by the enemy that the vessels violating the assurances have used American ports as bases of operations. But allowance into port as a [Page 590] peaceful ship would be notice to travelers that the United States would protect them in case of attack without warning.

It would seem, therefore, the part of wisdom for a neutral, for the purpose of maintaining its neutrality or of not giving a strained interpretation to the protection of neutrals on board, to regard merchantmen, whether private ships or government-owned, as peaceful commercial ships, regardless of the size, number, or emplacement of the guns up to what might be reasonably regarded as sufficient to resist successfully the kind of enemy vessel which will probably be met at sea, but arbitrarily to regard a vessel on the naval list, or carrying a commission or orders of a government authorizing the unlimited use of force, officers on board in the naval service and in the pay of the government, or a naval flag, as a warship, because these elements are unnecessary to a ship’s peaceful and commercial purposes, or even to such resistance as she might possibly make against the enemy. Even a naval crew or naval gunners in the service and pay of the government do not change the character of the vessel if they are not given absolute control of the guns or ship, and act solely as expert gunners under officers in the service and pay of the owners of the vessel. Furthermore, former naval officers or men of naval experience in charge of these men, but not in the active service and pay of the government, in no way affect the character of the vessel.

Summary. (1) The following vessels should be treated as warships:

(a)
Vessels under government commissions or orders to use force without restraint;
(b)
Vessels with officers in the service and pay of the government;
(c)
Vessels carrying a naval flag;
(d)
Vessels named on the naval list.

Such vessels, being warships, may be attacked without warning, and the United States Government is not responsible for the protection of life and property on board, the decision of C. J. Marshall to the contrary notwithstanding.

(2) Other armed vessels should be treated as merchantmen, so long as they leave port under an assurance of their government that they are not to operate aggressively, and so long as there is no reason to doubt their faithful compliance with the assurance. To avoid criticism by the other belligerent, and possible claims for unneutral conduct, as well as to preserve friendly relations with him by restraining excessive armament, it would be wise, however, as a matter of policy, to place a limit on the number of guns, on their size, and on the number of men and officers serving them. A reasonable maximum limit of armament for defensive purposes under present conditions [Page 591] would, it is believed, be the following: four guns of six inches or less caliber, placed anywhere on the ship, with an officer for each gun, and a number of men for each gun equal to the caliber in inches, the officers and men not to be members of the regular military forces detached for temporary duty, but still in the service and pay of the government, though they may be members of the reserve. This strength of armament has been recommended by the Joint State and Navy Neutrality Board as the “reasonable minimum” which a merchant vessel might carry for self-defence, but it is believed that for the guidance of the Government in view of present conditions of naval warfare, and in order not to give the impression of opening the doors to excessive armament, the Board’s “reasonable minimum” would appropriately serve as a conservative maximum armament for peaceful belligerent merchant vessels.

  1. A memorandum attached to this paper reads: “Dear Mr. President: Please read immediately Enclosure E and accompanying memoranda, and the postscript to my letter. Faithfully yours Robert Lansing Jany 31, 1917.” For the German Ambassador’s communication referred to as “Enclosure E,” see Foreign Relations, 1917, supp. 1, p. 97.

    A second memorandum reads: “These papers the President handed back to me after a conference at the White House (Jany 31, 1917, 8:45–10:30 p m). The German note of Jany 31st with 2 memoranda were the subject of discussion and its receipt made the subject of the letter and memorandum on armed merchant ships unnecessary of consideration. The President, however, indicated that he was in doubt as to the soundness of the memorandum of the 30th. Robert Lansing. 2/1/17.”

  2. Foreign Relations, 1917, supp. 1, p. 82.
  3. Ibid., 1916, supp., p. 244.
  4. Not printed.
  5. Infra.
  6. Foreign Relations, 1917, supp. 1, p. 97.
  7. Memorandum on the status of armed merchant vessels, ibid., 1914, supp., p. 611.
  8. Ibid., 1916, supp., p. 244.
  9. For text of convention, see The Second International Peace Conference, Held at The Hague From June 15 to October 18, 1907, Senate Document No. 444, 60th Cong., 1st sess., p. 161.