It has seemed to me that it might be advisable to pursue this method at
the present time in bringing home to the British Government the growing
irritation in this country at the blacklisting, censorship of mails and
other measures adopted by Great Britain, and the indifference shown by
the British Government in failure to make prompt reply to our notes. I
am afraid that London does not appreciate that the tide of resentment is
rising very high in this country, and that there is a tendency to demand
drastic action by this Government. The British Government ought to be
fully advised of this menace to our cordial relations, because the
removal of it lies with them. I do not think that their representatives
here have correctly pictured the state of the public mind in this
country or impressed them with the conditions which are rapidly
approaching a critical stage.
In accordance with the method of communicating information, which I have
mentioned, I have prepared a telegram to our Chargé at London very
frankly and very bluntly telling the truth about the present situation.
This telegram he is confidentially authorized to show to Lord Grey on
his own responsibility and unofficially.
A draft of the proposed telegram to Mr. Laughlin is enclosed and I would
be obliged if you would give me your views as to the advisability of
sending any telegram of this nature and as to the language of the
telegram, if you approve sending one. I think the decision should be
made immediately.
[Enclosure]
Draft Telegram From the Secretary of State to the Charge in Great
Britain (Laughlin)
We have received, after waiting over six weeks, no reply to our
protest of July 26th7 in regard to the blacklisting of persons
in the United States and its possessions. On the contrary, the
results of our recent unofficial representations in specific cases
of blacklisted firms, and the intimations given to various American
firms not to continue business relations of many years standing or
not to make new business connections with certain persons, firms and
companies resident in the United States or in other neutral
countries, together with other information which has come to my
attention, but to which it is not necessary at the present time to
refer cause me to conclude that the reply to our note of July 26th
will be unsatisfactory.
This Government has taken every means in its power, as it has in
dealing with other belligerents in this war, to conduct the
relations of the United States and Great Britain on a friendly and
cordial basis, though maintaining the rights and duties of
neutrality as it was bound to do. I regret to say, however, that in
no single instance of any importance have the British Government on
their part modified their pretensions to extraordinary belligerent
privileges so as to conform their conduct to established usage; nor
do they appear to have regard for the rights of the United States or
for the public opinion of this country. Some of the British
practices, which are causing increasing irritation, cannot, so far
as I am able to judge, have any material effect on the outcome of
the war. The removal of reservists from American vessels on the high
seas, the searching of American vessels in territorial waters of the
Philippines, the censorship of genuine letter-correspondence, the
refusal of cable privileges in legitimate neutral trade, and the
blacklisting of American business houses are some of the matters
which are carried on now with as much, if not greater, vigor than
before this Government protested against them.
I confess that I have been most unfavorably impressed with the
absolutely unrelenting attitude of the British Government, courteous
though it be, when their measures have been opposed by this
Government on grounds of reason, law or practice. Not a single rule
that we have contended for and that Great Britain herself has
insisted upon in the past, has been admitted by the British
Government. A few isolated cases have been decided in our favor but
only upon notification that they were acts of grace and must not be
regarded as precedents. It should not be a matter of surprise that
the American
[Page 316]
people are
resenting more and more this practice of granting favors which are
claimed as a matter of right.
When a remonstrance is made by the United States, it is frequently
met by the argument that, considering the American attitude toward
Germany, Great Britain is surprised that the United States should
take such a view of the British action complained of. It would seem
needless to point out that the United States is not fighting Great
Britain’s warfare against submarines. Great Britain should
understand that the position which the United States has taken
toward submarine warfare, is based primarily on its relations to
American rights and interests. I cannot but believe that the
apparent purpose of treating our controversies by reference to the
conduct of Germany is based on a misapprehension of the relations
between our intercourse with Germany on the one hand and with Great
Britain on the other, a misapprehension, but which it has constantly
sought to avoid. The respective subjects of controversy are entirely
distinct, and this Government, therefore, perceives no ground for
changing its firm intention to keep them separate.
If the British Government is expecting an attitude of “benevolent
neutrality” on our part—a position which is not neutral and which is
not governed by the principles of neutrality—they should know that
nothing is further from our intention. The freedom of our shores to
commerce of the allied powers for the exportation of thousands of
shiploads of all kinds of supplies—munitions, food, clothing and
metals—while their enemies have been able to obtain scarcely a
single cargo, and the forbearance, if not the leniency, shown by
this Government toward Great Britain in cases involving grave
breaches of international law, have apparently caused the British
Government to misjudge the policy of this Government and the
attitude of the people of this country, and led them to believe that
ours is a neutrality from which the Allied Powers might expect no
remonstrance, no matter how grievously American rights are infringed
or American interests impaired.
Such apparent indifference to the viewpoint and views of the United
States on the varied subjects of controversy cannot but have its
effect upon the Government and people in this country. The
continuance of palpably objectionable practices creates the
impression, whether justified or not, that Great Britain is
indifferent to the friendship and good will of the American people
or else confidently believes that nothing done in violation of
American rights will be seriously resisted because of the profitable
trade being carried on at the present time with the United Kingdom
and its Allies; and this impression is growing stronger in this
country and materially affecting public opinion. This unyielding
attitude of Great Britain has,
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to my personal knowledge, awakened against the
Allies a resentful sentiment among the American people which is in
marked contrast to the popular sympathy, which earlier in the war
was strongly on their side in the conflict. This is probably shown
best by the feeling aroused in the last session of Congress, whose
committees held hearings on the effects of British measures on the
rights and interests of the people of the United States, and whose
opinion was crystallized in certain legislation enlarging the powers
of the President to deal with the situation resulting from the
British measures which were considered not only as illegal but as
needless from a military point of view, and as imposing upon our
citizens losses and burdens, to which Great Britain seemed entirely
indifferent.
Perhaps the one measure more responsible than any other for this
result is the blacklisting plan of the British Government, although
the improper censorship of the mails has affected thousands of our
people. I cannot too earnestly impress upon you the strong public
feeling in the United States in regard to the blacklist. This
feeling is naturally most hostile among those of our citizens whose
business has been directly affected, but they are not alone in their
complaints or in their demands on the Government for radical action.
I have taken pains to sound the opinion of the more conservative
portion of our people and I am convinced that a bitterness of
feeling is increasing to such a degree as to endanger the good
relations of the United States and Great Britain. To resist this
rapidly growing sentiment this Government will be powerless, unless
the British Government shows a more considerate and friendly regard
for American rights. I do not know what reports are sent home by
British Agents here, but whatever they are they are ill advised if
they have not reported to their Government this change in public
opinion. This change is further augmented not only by the fact that
the blacklisting plan results in many cases in the transfer of
American trade from American houses to British competitors who
reside and carry on their business in the United States, but by the
belief, whether true or false, that the blacklisting plan, as it has
only an infinitesimal effect on the war, is in reality aimed at the
destruction of German trade after the war, a purpose which, if true,
cannot be justified before the world.
The objectionable features of blacklisting seem to me so apparent
that I cannot understand how the British Government can defend it on
any but most technical grounds if indeed it can be defended on any
grounds. It is clearly an invasion of the independence and
sovereignty of the United States by an endeavor to enforce
indirectly, if not directly, British laws upon American soil and to
impose restraints upon trade in the United States. Not only do the
British Government control the actions of British subjects here but
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seek to control the
actions of the American traders. In fact, as I am advised, British
agents in their official capacity have gone so far as to intimidate
American citizens against pursuing certain lines of business which
are entirely legitimate. The criminal nature of such intimidations
is receiving the attention of the law officers of the Government
with a view to taking such steps to stamp out the practice as may be
proper and necessary. There are even some indications that members
of the British Embassy and of certain Consulates are involved in
such proceedings. If this should prove to be true, I need not tell
you that the case would be most serious, and the unavoidable
publicity would still further increase the indignation of
Americans.
The British Government appears not to comprehend the fact, for it is
a fact, that they are really forcing this Government into a position
which cannot but result in strained relations between the two
countries. The temper of the American people is now so aroused over
the attitude and practices of the Allies, that I fear the
consequences unless there is some recession on their part. The
blacklist and the mail censorship are the matters which are most in
the minds of the American people—particularly so because the
annoyance to individuals is so intimate and so general. I
anticipate, therefore, that in the near future this Government,
however reluctantly, will be forced by the strength of public
opinion to take steps to put the retaliatory legislation of Congress
into effect. If the Government does not do this, it is easy to
foresee that Congress may at its next session make this legislation,
which now confers discretionary powers upon the President, mandatory
upon the executive authorities.
My great desire is to avoid this possible crisis in Anglo-American
relations and to conduct them in conformity with the truest
international amity, but I can not view the present situation and
its logical outcome with anything but the gravest apprehension. I am
therefore sending this to you confidentially and requesting you to
let no moment be lost in reporting to me confidentially by telegraph
your views on the chances of moving the British Government, first,
to an appreciation of the effects of their present policy; second,
to a realization of the result which is sure to follow from a
continuance of it; and lastly, to a recession from their position by
radically changing their objectionable measures.
On your own responsibility you may let Lord Grey read this despatch
after deleting this paragraph and heading it merely “Telegram from
Mr. Lansing, Secretary of State, to Mr. Laughlin, Chargé d’Affaires”
as a frank statement of the views of this Government on the present
situation. If he asks for a copy do not hand him one at the time,
but have one made and sent to him later marked “unofficial and not
to be made a part of the records.”
