763.72/1379½

The Ambassador in Great Britain ( Page ) to the Secretary of State

My Dear Mr. Secretary: Two things have pleased me much during the last few days—your kind letter of Dec. 14,29 and the admirable tone & the dignity of the long telegraphic protest that is just come about the English treatment of neutral ships and cargoes.30 It is an admirable paper, & it is a pleasure to present it. It takes the English action at its weakest point—its lack of a consistent plan. It will have a good effect and will supplement and strengthen the work that I have been trying to do.

Its admirable quality consists moreover in this—if I may be allowed to say so—it does not accuse the British Government of deliberate small dealing or littleness. We have made the mistake sometimes to accuse them—or to seem to insinuate—that they are giving us trouble in order to increase their own trade or their profit from trade. However keen they may be in this way in peaceful times (and they surely are good tradesmen!) they are not using the war to gain any such advantage. They are playing the game fairly. But they are playing it very hard now (hard-pressed as they are) and they are guilty of having no fixed policy. About trade-restrictions, they are as they are about the censorship—they don’t know how to do it. I think that this perfectly fair protest will hasten them to learn.

I have been somewhat afraid of this sort of misunderstanding between the two Governments. On our side, you have seemed at times to think that the British were using their sea-power to gain commercial advantage. I am persuaded that this is not true. They have but one thought now—to starve out the enemy. In this process they are starving out also many of their own business people. This Government has more protests from its own shippers and merchants than it has from all the neutral countries combined. They even come to me to see if I can’t find ways to help them—I mean British merchants—via of the United States. You hear of course the complaints of merchants who wish to get wares into Germany. I hear complaints from British merchants who wish to get wares into the U. S. and other neutral countries.

And on the English side, I have at times been very fearful lest this Government should conclude that the Department has (unwittingly of course) fallen under the influence of the German propaganda in [Page 260] the U. S. There has been danger of this suspicion. For example, our wool-importers have been demanding permission to get the wool they have paid for, from England and from Australia. While this has been going on, wool has been bought in the U. S. for the German Government. This Government knows that; & I have had it confirmed on American authority. Of course neither Government can be held responsible for the tricks of its merchants; but so many of our complaints have been so obviously inspired by merchants who wish to reach the German market that this Government has feared that we are unwittingly playing into the Germans’ hands. Of course they have never told me this; but I have felt it in the air & I have had it intimated to me in private. This is, of course, as utterly erroneous as the supposition of some of our merchants that the British Government is making profit out of the war. But it is the untrue things that cause the worst misunderstandings.

The worst of it is, no end is in sight. Everybody here expects a long war. And all troubles will increase as time goes on. I am sometimes surprised that ours are no worse. For example, the troubles of Holland, Sweden, Denmark are vastly greater. They have had their business practically killed. They are between the two great belligerents. Their Ministers make the best arrangements they can— sometimes a new arrangement every week. They are in the direst straits. But they agree that this Government is doing nothing indirect nor underhand. It does its mischief openly—going straight for its arch enemy. This doesn’t make the mischief any less, but it makes the way a little clearer for dealing with it.

I try to look far ahead: where shall we stand when it ends? We shall have the hatred of the Germans whatever we do because of the preponderance of American opinion against Germany. We shall have the esteem of a lessened number of the English because we keep our strict neutrality. I feel that constantly and am constantly criticised for the care I give the Germans and the German interests. I have a drawer full of letters (all unanswered) full of criticism even of our Government for having anything to do with the Germans & for refraining from protests about the German conduct of the war. To keep a long look ahead seems wise. When it ends we want first the approval of our own consciences and then the approval, as far as we can get it, of all nations—of this nation in particular because it is worth more to us than any other. We shall win their approval by standing up stoutly for our rights, but not by seeming to accuse them of motives that they have not. You may be sure they go and will go the whole length to keep our good will, provided we credit [Page 261] them with wishing to do the fair thing. They do not wish to do us an unfair turn—only to starve out their enemy; and that they are going to do at all costs. Of course the heaviest cost falls on them. They are not now thinking about their trade—or anybody else’s—I mean the Government isn’t. You’ll find the cue to their actions in their determination to win.

A happy New Year to you and Mrs. Bryan. Praise Heaven you are so far from this horrible and continual depression. It is simply unspeakable. I admire the cheerful and buoyant way in which Mrs. Owen holds up under it; she is wonderful and provokes my heartiest admiration.

Sincerely yours,

Walter H. Page
  1. Not found in Department files.
  2. Foreign Relations, 1914, supp., p. 372.