Mr. Seward to Mr. Spalding.

[Confidential.]
No. 42.]

Z. S. Spalding, Esq., etc.:

Sir: Your letter of the 14th of April has been received and carefully read. The information which you give of the excitement which is prevailing in Honolulu in regard to the annexation of the Sandwich Islands is very interesting. You suggest a system of proceeding here with reference to that object which could not possibly, at the present time, obtain the sanction of any department of this Government.

Without going into an explanation of the causes for the condition of national sentiment which temporarily exists, it is enough to say that the public attention sensibly continues to be fastened upon the domestic questions which have grown out of the late civil war. The public mind refuses to dismiss these questions even so far as to entertain the higher but more remote questions of national extension and aggrandizement. The periodical Presidential and Congressional elections are approaching. Each of the political parties seems to suppose that economy and retrenchment will be prevailing considerations in that election and the leaders of each party therefore seem to shrink from every suggestion which may involve any new national enterprise, and especially any foreign one. How long sentiments of this sort may control the proceedings of the Government is uncertain, but, in the meantime, it will be well for you not to allow extravagant expectations of sympathy between the United States and the friends of annexation in the islands to influence your own conduct. You will continue, however, to write me upon the subject freely as you have hitherto done.

I am, etc.,

William H. Seward.
No. 54.]

Hon. William H. Seward,
Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.:

Sir: I have the honor to forward herewith a copy of a communication addressed by me to the Hawaiian minister of foreign affairs on the [Page 145] 29th ultimo. At the same time I inclosed him a copy of the resolution of the Congress of the United States which accompanied your circular of January 17, 1867, relative to the coolie trade.

I deemed this action called for on my part from the fact that during my absence a cargo of Japanese coolies arrived at this port on the British ship Scioto, and were distributed among the planters and other parties on the islands under a system of contracts holding them to labor for the term of three years. I know nothing of the circumstances under which these people left Japan, but supposed you are fully advised in the premises through Mr. Vanvalkenburg.

I have been informed that it is in contemplation to send an expedition to the South Sea Islands under the auspices of the Hawaiian Government, or the Hawaiian board of immigration, for the purpose of procuring laborers (coolies) from there. Should this really have been the design, I hope the communication I have already addressed to His Majesty’s Government may lead them to abandon their purpose. If any such attempt is persisted in I will deem it my duty to protest most emphatically against it, unless otherwise directed by you.

As these South Sea Islanders are without an organized government and unable to protect themselves, any attempt to take them by force or fraud from their own country and reduce them to a state of temporary servitude here would, it seems to me, justify such active interference on the part of the Government of the United States as might be necessary to prevent the inauguration of a traffic more odious than the cooly trade of China.

I have the honor to be, your very obedient servant,

Edward M. McCook.
No. 41.]

Sir: I have the honor to inclose you a copy of a resolution on the subject of the cooly trade, which has unanimously passed both Houses of the Congress of the United States.

It is believed that in this matter the resolution referred to correctly indicates the moral sentiment of the country I have the honor to represent; consequently I transmit the inclosed copy for the information of your Government, believing that His Majesty, actuated by those sentiments of humanity for which he has always been so eminently distinguished, will cordially coöperate with the Government of the United States in its endeavor to discountenance and discourage a traffic so repulsive that it meets with the reprobation of the civilized world.

With sentiments of the highest consideration and regard, I have the honor to be,

Your very obedient servant,

Edward M. McCook.

His Excellency Stephen H. Phillips,
H. H. M. Minister of Foreign Affairs, etc.

[Page 146]

I am aware that upon the question of further extending our possessions it is apprehended by some that our political system can not successfully be applied to an area more extended than our continent; but the conviction is rapidly gaining ground in the American mind that, with the increased facilities for intercommunication between all portions of the earth, the principles of free government, as embraced in our Constitution, if faithfully maintained and carried out, would prove of sufficient strength and breadth to comprehend within their sphere and influence the civilized nations of the world.

The attention of the Senate and of Congress is again respectfully invited to the treaty for the establishment of commercial reciprocity with the Hawaiian Kingdom, entered into last year, and already ratified by that Government. The attitude of the United States towards these islands is not very different from that in which they stand towards the West Indies. It is known and felt by the Hawaiian Government and people that their Government and institutions are feeble and precarious; that the United States, being so near a neighbor, would be unwilling to see the islands pass under foreign control. Their prosperity is continually disturbed by expectations and alarms of unfriendly political proceedings, as well from the United States as from other foreign powers. A reciprocity treaty, while it could not materially diminish the revenues of the United States, would be a guaranty of the good will and forbearance of all nations until the people of the islands shall of themselves, at no distant day, voluntarily apply for admission into the Union.

Honolulu, April 14, 1869.

Dear Father: The bark Comet sails to-day for San Francisco, and even though I have little to make a letter interesting, I will venture a few lines.

Our latest advices, by the Idaho, seemed to convey the idea that the reciprocity treaty was beyond hope, and the effect is beginning to be generally felt and seen. Men who have kept silent for months, guarding their words and actions, have openly expressed themselves of late as being in favor of annexation, and begun to talk of forming an organization or party with that end in view.

What they want is to know that they will be backed up by the United States and its representatives here in all proper measures taken by them to secure a change in the political sentiment of the islands and their annexation at the earliest possible period.

This means not necessarily a war on the part of the United States, but a feeling that they are supported by our Government and its officials, even to the continued presence of a man-of-war, if necessary, and intervention should this Government attempt to stop free speech and a free press or put down an American simply because he is an American and expresses himself favorably towards the United States.

Americans whose opinions are entitled to respect claim that they have never had from the Government of the United States that countenance and support that England and France have always extended to their subjects here. They say (and I am disposed to think with some justice) that while an Englishman or Frenchman, even though holding an office under this Government, never forgets his country, Americans have been brought up and become more thoroughly Hawaiian than the [Page 147] natives themselves. I know this to be true in regard to some Americans at present holding office under this Government, and from the records of some of our ministers, as well as their subsequent careers, I am satisfied there has been ground for complaint. No doubt the American party has committed mistakes. They had the power, and ought to have fought rather than lose it. But coming from the missionary stock, it was contrary to their principles and feelings to resort to blows. Besides, some of their best material was drawn off by means of royal favor and the honors and emoluments of office. The “dollar” is as powerful here as in more enlightened countries, and Americans as apt to forget all else in the accumulation of riches.

I told you I had no hope for annexation while there was a chance for “reciprocity.” Events do not change my opinion. On the contrary, I feel that the desire for annexation is stronger to-day than it has been at any time since my arrival on the islands, simply because the prospects for the treaty are felt to be almost hopeless, and the planters must have relief by annexation.

I have already given you my opinion as to what the missionary or American party would do if left to themselves—absolutely nothing. In a short time they would be bound hand and foot and powerless to resist the machination of the English and French. They are like raw troops. Unless they can feel that they are supported by the “veteran hand” of the United States they will run at the first flash of powder or sight of blood. But shove them into the front rank and let them feel that they are safe and they will make as much noise as anybody.

It is time to decide upon the plan of action. If we want these islands immediately, I have no doubt the Lackawanna embroglio will furnish the pretext for taking them a la England or France. If no other good has been accomplished by the Lackawanna, she has served to “draw out” the ministers into strong expressions against her and our Government, and by her presence has kept up the fire of opposition in the hearts of Americans and left it easy for our Government to shape its future policy. If the United States should take possession to-morrow, on the ground that this Government has failed to respect American interests and shown its inability to maintain its position as an independent government, I think it would hardly raise a single remonstrance, either here or abroad. The feeling of foreigners seems generally to be that of astonishment to see the United States “put up” with so much from this little Kingdom.

But if the Government is in no particular hurry about the acquisition of the islands, and desires to accomplish its ends with as little display of force or expenditure of money as possible, it might be well to give the annexation party a chance to see what they can do. Two years will accomplish the change if it can be done at all. To my mind there is a better chance for an annexation party right now than there has been since the idea of reciprocity was first started. The “Hawaiian Club,” of Boston, write that the treaty is undoubtedly dead, and that although they never favored annexation heretofore, they do so now. They also say that the failure of the treaty is owing to the action of the ministers of this Government, Dr. Hutchinson and M. de Varigny, news which has raised a great deal of ill-feeling toward this Government and increased the desire for connection with the United States. I take good care not to contradict the opinion. The truth is that so long as there was a chance for receiving the benefits of free trade with the United States and escaping taxation men who had capital invested here were generally opposed to annexation.

[Page 148]

The missionaries, I think, always opposed it, on the ground that the nations would suffer by the change. But just now all classes, except office-holders, are down on this Government, and reciprocity having failed them, are ready for anything that will give them a change. But here let me reiterate my opinion that our Government must be prepared to uphold such a party with more favor and stronger aid than has ever been given before, and be ready, in case of necessity, to assume the whole work and finish it with one stroke. That is to say, we should show to this Government that Americans and their interest must he respected and the United States regarded equally with the “most favored nations,” and let our friends see that we will indorse them in all lawful actions and receive them under the Stars and Stripes whenever application is made in the proper manner.

I still hold that little or nothing can be accomplished at the present time by “voluntary” action on the part of the natives or foreigners, in the way of changing the political status of the islands or overthrowing the present Government. What may be done in time, by educating the people up to the issue, especially where the greater part of the capital of the islands is at stake, is another question. There are many good men who will come out boldly for annexation and strain every nerve for its success if they can be satisfied that the United States will help them through. But they are not willing to throw away the good they have for the uncertainty of something better. The present King has already shown, by his abrogation of the old constitution and forcing upon the people an instrument of his own creation, that he will stop at nothing within his power. Foreign intervention in favor of annexation must of course come from the United States. Will it come? If so, the party can be organized.

The present attitude of this Government towards the United States and the patience with which we have borne its slights is “a thorn in our sides.” Englishmen ridicule us, while they secretly “chuckle” over what they consider our loss of influence. I am as willing to “stoop to conquer” as anyone, and am willing to wait for our laugh until we shall have won. But, with every American on these islands, I hope” our Government will either give up all idea of ever coming into possession of this country or else take measures to secure it; That we have been outgeneraled in the past is very clear. The reciprocity treaty just as completely tied Minister McCook’s hands as did the Hawaiian minister of foreign relations bind our commissioner, Mr. Gregg, by getting him in his debt. The ministers of this Government never wanted “reciprocity” or any other connection with the United States, but they entertained the subject to quiet the demand for annexation, intending to kill it in the end. They have either bamboozled or bought up our representatives before Gen. McCook, and he they allowed to run wild on reciprocity.

If Gen. McCook comes back here with definite instructions from Washington to inaugurate and carry out any set policy, he will undoubtedly fulfill his instructions. But if he returns with no other orders but to “cultivate friendly relations,” and is allowed to do that after his own fashion, you need not look for annexation. The American party here is composed of men mostly from the New England States. That they are generally “radical” follows as a matter of course. No representative of the United States, not even Gen. McCook, has ever been in communication with them enough to lead them. What Gen. McCook’s interest in reciprocity was, I need not say; but everything [Page 149] else had to give way to that one idea, and Americans who did not favor it were “d———d Republican Yankees.”

My present position is far from enviable. I keep as clear of diplomatic questions as possible, and, of course, while the present state of affairs remains unchanged I keep, my lips closed, and while hearing all sides give approval to none. I have been particularly careful not to commit myself. Whenever the future policy of our Government in relation to these islands is decided upon, if I am kept here in any position enabling me take part I can do so without undoing a single act.

I send you a newspaper, by this mail, giving account, as far as heard from, of the late earthquakes and volcanic eruptions on the island of Hawaii. All accounts agree that the present has been the most serious convulsion ever experienced.

His Majesty, accompanied by his commissioner and others, left yesterday on the steamer Kilauea to visit the scene. I was invited to accompany them, but on account of the absence of Gen. McCook, and having several vessels in port, was obliged to decline the invitation. It is reported that His Majesty goes to Hawaii to make an offering to Pele (the goddess of volcanoes) to appease her wrath! He is certainly superstitious enough to do so, and the fact that his native sorceress bore him company would seem to confirm the story. The natives say that some high chief is about to die, and that that is the cause of the present volcanic convulsions. It is further said that the King fears he is the condemned chief, and hence his visit to Hawaii to make his offering to the enraged goddess.

The Lackawanna is still in port, Capt. Reynolds thinking the action of this Government, in refusing to allow his men to have liberty on shore at Hilo, sufficient reason for not returning there. He knows his presence here is an eyesore to them, and as they and he are at swords points he proposes to remain in their sight as long as he can. I have been assured by one of His Majesty’s ministers that this Government has no fault to find with the United States or any man-of-war, but that they object to Capt. Reynolds personally. I give you this information for what it is worth. My own opinion is that both parties are in the wrong.

The legislature opens on Saturday next, notwithstanding the absence of the King. The King’s father will deliver the opening speech in native, and the chief justice, Judge Allen, will deliver the same in English. There may be some interesting matters before the legislature during the session, but the main point will be to see how far the present ministry can control it. There will be an effort made to separate the two houses, which, if successful, will be one point for the opposition.

I look for Gen. McCook on the Idaho, due May 4, and will write fully by her return.

With much love, your affectionate son,

Z. S. Spaulding.

Notes of conversations, Saturday, September 14, 1869.

Called on Mr. DeVarigny, the minister of foreign relations, about 9:30 a.m., and after some conversation concerning the reciprocity treaty, Mr. DeV. asked me when I expected the Lackawanna to return. I replied that I had no definite idea as to the time.

[Page 150]

Mr. DeV. I do not wish to see the Lackawanna back here. I hope when she does return she will have orders to leave immediately.

McC. For what reason?

DeV. The commander of the Lackawanna, Capt. Reynolds, is personally obnoxious to this Government.

McC. Why?

DeV. Because when a resident of these islands his political sentiments were displeasing to His Majesty and his ministry.

McC. What were those political sentiments?

DeV. I can not tell; they were very obnoxious.

McC. Do you wish to establish the principle that, before any American man-of-war can touch these islands, you have the right to designate who shall command her, and what his political principles shall be?

Mr. DeV. We have the same rights with regard to a man-of-war which we would have in relation to a diplomatic agent—the principle is precisely the same, and we have the right to refuse to receive the one or permit the other to remain in our ports; and if the Lackawanna returns to stop here, we will order her peremptorily to leave; we will send her away for the reasons I have mentioned about Capt. Reynolds, and for other and more serious reasons—this is our right and we are determined to exercise it.

McC. I decline discussing this matter any further at present. Your mind appears to be made up, and you saw proper to refer the whole matter directly to the Secretary of State of the United States, without making your communication through the legation, and Mr. Seward will no doubt take such action as will be just and proper and I hope satisfactory to you. I would suggest, however, at this time, if your Government really desires the ratification of the reciprocity treaty, it would probably be highly impolitic and imprudent to order away from your waters any man-of-war belonging to the United States, just at the time when my Government is endeavoring by the most substantial proof in their power to show their friendship for the Hawaiian Government.

About 10:30 a.m. I called on His Majesty and stated that I desired to talk with him unofficially. I repeated the conversation between Mr. De Varigny and myself and suggested that, as I intended going to Washington sometime during this fall or winter, it would probably be better to take no action in the premises, even should the Lackawanna remain, until he heard from me. On my arrival in Washington I would lay the whole matter before the Secretary of State and call his attention to the objections of the Hawaiian Government to the presence of the Lackawanna here. His Majesty replied that this had better be understood before I left. I called his attention to the dispatch of the Secretary of State, No. 31, containing renewed assurances of the desire of the United States to maintain just and amicable relations with the King of the Hawaiian Islands, and also to all my past assurances that the Lackawanna was here on a friendly mission and for no unusual purpose. I thought that after all these assurances of friendship from all the representatives of my Government he ought to be satisfied as to their feelings. The past conduct of the United States toward the Government of these islands should be the best assurance that his sovereignty would always be respected in the future as it had been in the past.

His Majesty spoke of newspaper articles in the press of the United States, advocating the annexation or acquisition of those islands. I said that the newspapers of a country did not always represent the [Page 151] sentiments of the government. Editors in the United States were in the habit of publishing pretty much what they pleased, without consulting the wishes of any person. The articles His Majesty referred to had, undoubtedly, originated here in Honolulu. They displayed a local knowledge of persons and things which no resident of the United States would possess. As for acquisition, the United States had never yet acquired a foot of territory by conquest. The additions to her boundaries had all been made like that of Russian America, by purchase, and, although I did not speak by authority, yet I had no doubt but that my Government would pay a liberal compensation for the cession of any of these islands or all of them. The growing trade of the United States on the Pacific made it almost necessary that we should have some good naval depot between the Pacific coast and China.

His Majesty answered that he did not believe that his people would ever permit him to cede any of the four larger islands of the group. I said that money was a great power, particularly with a needy population, and with a very small portion of the amount he might receive for such a cession he would probably be able to direct the sentiments of his people in any channel he desired. He replied that Honolulu and Hilo were the only two good ports on the islands; that Hilo might be made an excellent harbor by spending some money for a breakwater, but it was on one of the largest islands, and he did not see, on the whole, how he could sell part of an island or the best port in it; he also said that it would not be their policy to part with any of the larger islands. It might not be objectionable to part with one of the smaller ones, but one of them could be of no value to the United States, because they had no harbors at all.

I thanked His Majesty for the interview, and requested that he would not mention the subject of our conversation to his ministry or any person else, as it would only produce unnecessary and undesirable comment. He replied that it would not be mentioned by him to any person.

From the manner of the King during the whole interview, I was led to believe that the subject of our conversation was not an unfamiliar one.

No. 189.]

Hon. Hamilton Fish,
Secretary of State,
Washington, D. C.:

Sir: The new Government here seems well established and in working order, appointments to fill its offices having given general satisfaction to our resident countrymen.

The English and German portion of the community, however, complain that their respective nationalities have not been duly considered in the composition of this “cosmopolitan government.”

A strong movement is afoot to induce King Lunalilo to visit Washington and endeavor to form a reciprocity treaty with the United States, failing to obtain which it is hoped the occasion will be availed of for entering into negotiations for the annexation of these islands to the United States.

I respectfully suggest that proper instructions and arrangements be [Page 152] made by United States Government for the conveyance of and treatment of His Majesty as the guest of the nation.

It is proper that I inform you of a remark made to me within a few days past by Capt. Cator, of H. B. M. S. Scout, to the effect that, in view of recent events here, his opinion was that England, France, and the United States should take possession of these islands under joint occupancy. I replied that thought the United States Government would not consent to be a party to any such project.

I am, sir, etc.,

Henry A. Peirce.

P. S.—I inclose three copies of the Hawaiian custom-house statistics for the year 1872.

No. 190.]

Hon. Hamilton Fish,
Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.:

Sir: The subject now uppermost in the thoughts of Hawaiian officials, planters, and merchants relates to the measures needed to be taken to stop the decline of the Kingdom in its population, revenue, agricultural productions, and commerce. The panacea for the cure of these evils, in their opinion, is to be had by effecting a reciprocity treaty with the United States. This notwithstanding repeated failures heretofore in similar attempts to obtain one. Success therein is now hoped for by offering to the United States a quid pro quo, the cession of the sovereignty and proprietorship of the spacious, landlocked, easily defended harbor or estuary known as Ewa or Pearl River, in this island, 10 miles distant from Honolulu, and also to include the territory surrounding it, say 10 miles square in all.

There is a bar at the entrance of the harbor having on it 12 feet of water at low tide, but the depth can be increased to any reasonable extent without great expense.

The harbor is sufficiently spacious for several hundred ships to ride in safety. Inclosed herewith is extract from the P. Commercial Advertiser, newspaper, of date 8th inst., entitled “Reciprocity,” that develops the views of those urging this project.

My opinion in regard to probable success of the measure named having been solicited by several persons high in authority, but in an unofficial manner, I have said in reply that in my judgment the United States Government would object to acquiring sovereignty over a part only of this island. That the consideration offered by the Hawaiian Government for a reciprocity treaty with the United States is certainly a very generous one, inasmuch as my Government now derives in imports from these islands, in customs revenue, only about $370,000 per annum. Nevertheless, as the proposed measure or treaty would allow the Hawaiian Government to continue to maintain its sovereignty over the other portion of the island of Oahu not occupied by the United States, therefore the latter would not, probably, seriously entertain the proposition in the shape presented. Since this conversation occurred I have consulted on the subject-matter with Rear-Admiral Pennack, who is of the opinion that the United States Government should accept the proposition of the harbor of Pearl River, even [Page 153] under the terms and conditions as foreshadowed by the Hawaiian Government officials.

I am expecting to receive ere long some definite proposals in regard to the subject-matter.

The native newspaper, “Kuokoa,” opposes the suggestion mooted here in regard to King Lunaleho visiting Washington for the purpose of effecting a treaty, and some of the cabinet also oppose it, on account of the King’s want of self-restraint in the use of intoxicating liquors.

I am, etc.,

Henry A. Peirce

P. S.—Mail steamer Nevada, left on the 27th ultimo for San Francisco, returned on the 6th instant to recoal—sailed on 7th instant; vessel leaked badly, with machinery and boilers in bad condition. Delay in receipt by you of my dispatches (No. 179 to 189) by that vessel is to be regretted.

Yours, etc.,

Henry A. Peirce.
No. 191.]

Hon. Hamilton Fish,
Secretary of State, Washington, D. C:

Sir: Annexation of these islands to the United States and a reciprocity treaty between the two countries are the two important topics of conversation and warm discussion among Government officials and foreign residents.

A large majority of the latter favor the first-named project, while the former advocate reciprocity. All are convinced, however, that some measure should be taken by the Hawaiian Government to effectually stay the decline in the prosperity of the country, evidenced in decreasing exports, revenue, population, whale fishery, and an increasing public debt.

Annexation of the islands to the United States will never, in my opinion, be adopted or presented as a Government measure, however much the people as a whole may desire it. The glitter of the crown, love of power, and emoluments of office have too many attractions to prevent it. Should the great interests of the country, however, demand that “annexation” shall be attempted, the planters, merchants, and foreigners generally will induce the people to overthrow the Government, establish a republic, and then ask the United States for admittance into its Union. My opinion has recently been frequently asked in regard to probable success of the two measures proposed. I have said that if annexation or a reciprocity treaty is proposed on the part of Hawaii to the United States, that the subject will, in either case, be profoundly considered and decided upon. But in view of former non-success in attempts to secure reciprocity with the United States, and the complications that might inure to both nations if cession of the harbor of Pearl River were to be accepted by the United States as proposed in the present instance, I thought the proffer of the cession pure and simple of the whole archipelago would have the better chance for success as compared with reciprocity under the conditions now suggested.

[Page 154]

Those favoring the former measure think it can be carried if the King’s consent thereto is first obtained (and endeavors will be made to that end), provided the United States will, for and in consideration of said cession, pension off His Majesty and all the chiefs of royal blood with the aggregate sum per annum of $125,000, and pay off the Hawaiian national debt, now amounting to about $250,000, and bestow upon the cause and for the benefit of education, public schools, and the nation’s hospitals (three of latter in number) the proprietorship and revenues of the crown and public lands. The value of taid lands is at present estimated at about $1,000,000. It includes, however, the public buildings, waterworks, wharf property, fish ponds, etc. The income of the crown lands, now inuring to the sovereign, amounts to about $25,000 per annum. The public, or Government, waterworks, give about $15,000 per annum, wharf property about the same, notwithstanding the free use of them granted to steamship lines.

Many persons are lukewarm on the subject of annexation to the United States solely for the reason that they fear repulse by the United States Government. I think the latter should declare its policy and objects in regard to this important subject. This nation is bewildered and suffering to some degree, not knowing how to shape its own policy in connection with its hopes and expectations in regard to the United States.

I inclose herewith an extract from the Commercial Advertiser of the 15th inst., headed “Annexation,” considered here as intended to be a feeler on the subject.

With great, etc.,

Henry A. Peirce.

P. S.—Your dispatches Nos. 78 and 79 are received. Should the King Lunalilo conclude to visit Washington, his departure will not take place before October next.

Hon. Wm. W. Belknap,
Secretary of War, Washington, D. C.:

Sir: In compliance with your confidential instructions of the 24th June, 1872, we have the honor to state that we have visited the Sandwich Islands and ascertained the defensive capabilities of their different ports, examined into their commercial facilities, and collected all the information in our power on other subjects in reference to which we ought to be informed in the event of a war with a powerful maritime nation, and we have now the honor to submit the following

report:

We left this city on the 30th of December, 1872, on board the U. S. S. California, the flagship of Rear-Admiral Pennock, U. S. Navy, and arrived at Honolulu January 15, 1873. Admiral Pennock had received instructions from our Government to proceed to the Sandwich Islands in his flagship and bring to the United States the late King Kamehameha VI.

A few days before sailing, however, the news of the death of the king was received in San Francisco.

[Page 155]

When we arrived at Honolulu we found a new King, Lunalilo, had been elected by an almost unanimous vote of the people. He had been inaugurated, and his Government was established in an orderly manner. At an audience with the King and his ministers, Admiral Pen-nock made known his instructions from the Secretary of the Navy, to offer a passage to the late King to the United States.

We were present at this interview and the announcement of the generous intentions of the Government of the United States toward the late King appeared to establish, at once, the best relations between the new King and Admiral Pennock, as also between the members of his Government and ourselves.

This was fortunate, as it gave us all desirable facilities for accomplishing the objects of our visit; enabled us to converse frankly with the King and his ministers upon the subject and to ascertain their feel ings and wishes concerning it, as well as their general policy toward the United States. We ascertained from the officers of the U. S. Navy, from maps, and from seafaring men that Honolulu is the only good commercial harbor in the whole group of the Sandwich Islands.

There are many other so-called harbors, or places for anchorage, but they are mostly open roadsteads affording shelter only from certain winds, and they are all entirely incapable of being defended by shore batteries. Even the harbor of Honolulu itself can not be defended from the shore. It is a small harbor lying seaward from the land and only protected from the sea by outlying coral reefs.

An enemy could take up his position outside of the entrance to the harbor and command the entire anchorage, as well as the town of Honolulu itself. This harbor would therefore be of no use to us as a harbor of refuge in a war with a powerful maritime nation.

With one exception there is no harbor on the islands that can be made to satisfy all the conditions necessary for a harbor of refuge in time of war. This is the harbor of Ewa or Pearl River situated on the Island of Oahu, about 7 miles west of Honolulu.

Pearl River is a fine sheet of deep water extending inland about 6 miles from its mouth, where it could be completely defended by shore batteries. The depth of water after passing the bar is ample for any vessel.

Pearl River is not a true river; it partakes more of the character of an estuary. It is divided into three portions called “locks”—the east lock, the middle lock, and the west lock, the three together affording some 30 miles of water front, with deep water in the channels. Of these locks the east lock is the best, having the most room, the deepest water, and presenting the greatest facilities for shore improvements. In the middle of this lock there is an island called “Rabbit Island,” having deep water close to its shores and fine anchorage all around it; This island is a level coral island, rising only a few feet above high-water level. It is destitute of fresh water, but there is a great abundance of good water on the adjacent shores, which could be carried to the island at small expense.

From our examinations we are of the opinion that this island and the adjacent shore to the north and west of it afford the most advantageous location for a naval depot of supplies and equipment in all these waters. But there is not sufficient water at present for heavy vessels to enter this Pearl River harbor. At the entrance to the harbor is a coral reef some 250 to 300 yards in width, with a depth of water of only 2 to 3 fathoms on the reef at low water. This reef appears to extend around the island, being broken only at the entrance to Honolulu Harbor, and [Page 156] in fact we are informed that a platform of coral reefs fringe most of the shores of all the islands of the Hawaiian group, broken only in few places. This coral found at the entrance to Pearl River is “dead;” that is, it is not growing, and the reef is therefore not increasing in size. This ridge of coral forms a barrier or bar across the entrance to this harbor about 300 yards wide, measuring perpendicularly to the shore. It is comparatively level on the top, from 2 to 3 fathoms of water over it at low tide. Its sides are vertical, or nearly so, the depth of water increasing in a few feet to 4 or 5 fathoms. The outer, or sea side, then is found to be steeper than the inner, or shore side. At the distance of half a mile outside of the reef there is a depth of 15 fathoms, while at the same distance inside the reef the depth is only 8 fathoms.

If this coral barrier were removed Pearl River Harbor would seem to have all or nearly all the necessary properties to enable it to be converted into a good harbor of refuge. It could be completely defended by inexpensive batteries on either or both shores, firing across a narrow channel of entrance. Its waters are deep enough for the largest vessels of war, and its “locks,” particularly around Rabbit Island, are spacious enough for a large number of vessels to ride at anchor in perfect security against all storms. Its shores are suitable for building proper establishments for sheltering the necessary supplies for a naval establishment, such as magazines of ammunition, provisions, coral, spars, rigging, etc., while the island of Oahu, upon which it is situated, could furnish fresh provisions, meats, fruits, and vegetables in large quantities.

Such being the properties of this harbor, and it being the only one on these islands possessing all the requisites, except depth of water on the bar, the question arises, can the coral reef at its entrance be removed? If so, at what cost? And again, if it be removed would the channel fill up, or would it remain open under the influence of natural causes?

A correct answer to these questions in detail can not be given without a survey of the entrance to this harbor. Under the supposition that full information on this subject would become necessary, in case negotiations were entered upon looking to the cession of Pearl River Harbor to the United States, we informally requested Admiral Pennock to include a detailed survey of the entrance to this harbor in his examinations and surveys of the harbors of these islands. The Admiral promised to have such surveys made; when it is received, a detailed estimate of the cost of removing the coral barrier can be made. We will state however that Lieut. Col. Alexander crossed this bar several times while we were at Honolulu. He did not undertake a survey, but he took soundings on and around the reef, and examined its character and outline. He found the reef composed mostly of coral in situ, covered over in small patches for a few inches in depth with coral sand, being fragments of coral and coral rock thrown upon the reef and ground to pieces under the action of the waves and tidal currents. It is his opinion that an entrance could easily be cut through this coral reef by surface blasting and that the fine debris would be washed seaward under the influence of the currents, while the larger masses could be removed by dredging or by divers, the islands furnishing many men skilled in such business.

He further gives it as his opinion, founded on the examinations he was able to make, that the amount of coral to be removed to open a channel 200 yards in width, with a depth of 26 feet of water at low tide, would be about 250,000 cubic yards, and that it could be removed for [Page 157] $1 per cubic yard, or for a sum of about $250,000. It should be observed, however, that this is only an approximate estimate of the cost of this work. Detailed estimates could only be made after accurate surveys and thorough investigation made for this special purpose.

As the entrance to Honolulu harbor shows no tendency to fill up, and as the entrance to Pearl River, if opened, will be almost exactly like that of Honolulu, we see no reason at present to fear a filling up on the bar after a passage through the coral reef at its mouth shall have been secured. Upon this point, however, it will be safe to withhold opinions until the character of the bottom just outside the coral reef is accurately ascertained.

If the survey and examination should show a large quantity of coral sand there, and if the resulting currents of the ebb tide do not remove it, it is possible that some of this sand might accumulate in the channel of entrance during storms from seaward.

In case it should become the policy of the Government of the United States to obtain the possession of this harbor for naval purposes, jurisdiction over all the waters of Pearl River with the adjacent shores to the distance of 4 miles from any anchorage should be ceded to the United States by the Hawaiian Government.

This would be necessary in order to enable the Government to de fend its depots and anchorages in time of war by works located on its own territory. Such a cession of jurisdiction would embrace a parallelogram of about 10 by 12 miles.

It would not be necessary, however, for the Government of the United States to own all this land. On the contrary, Rabbit Island and a few thousand acres of the shore to the northward and westward of it, the limits of which could be determined after careful survey, with sufficient land on either side of the entrance of the harbor for fortification purposes, equal in area to about 1 square mile on either side, would be all the land which it would be necessary for the Government to own. All the rest of the land which might be embraced in any cession of jurisdiction could remain in the hands of the present owners.

We remark that the Hawaiian Government is now having a survey made of Pearl River and the vicinity. This survey will show the nature of the country and the ownership of all abutting lands. When it is completed it will enable us to define distinctly the boundaries of the district over which jurisdiction should be ceded, in case our Government wishes to acquire possession of that harbor. We can then also designate what land the Government would require for naval purposes and for fortifications at the entrance of the harbor.

From what we could learn of the feelings of the Hawaiian Government on this subject, we believe it would be possible for the United States to obtain such a cession of jurisdiction and of land as we have indicated should it become the policy of the Government to establish a naval depot in these islands.

The cession of Pearl River and of so much of the surrounding district as might be necessary for its defense, and the title to all the positions which would be occupied by the Government either for naval or military purposes, would probably be freely given by the Government of these islands as a quid pro quo for a reciprocity treaty.

We remark in this connection that sugar is the principal product of these islands, and that it is mostly exported to the Pacific coast of the United States.

The great object of the Hawaiian Government in seeking a reciprocity treaty with the United States has been, and will probably continue to [Page 158] be, to relieve its sugar-planters from the operation of our tariff on that article.

The cession of Pearl River could probably be obtained by the United States in consideration of the repeal of the duty on Sandwich Island sugar. Indeed, the sugar-planter sare so anxious for a reciprocity treaty, or so anxious rather for free trade in sugar with the United States, that many of them openly proclaim themselves in favor of annexation of these islands to the United States.

The members of the present Government of the Hawaiian Islands seem fully alive to the necessity of relieving their principal industry from the heavy burden under which it now suffers, and no other mode of relief seems possible but annexation or reciprocity.

Neither the Government nor the native people of the islands are, it is believed, prepared to consider the question of annexation at the present time, even if the United States desired to propose it, but the cession of Pearl River harbor as an equivalent for free trade is freely discussed and favorably considered by the Government and people.

It is to be observed that if the United States are ever to have a harbor of refuge and naval station in the Hawaiian Islands in the event of war, the harbor must be prepared in advance by the removal of the Pearl River bar.

When war has begun it will be too late to make this harbor available, and there is no other suitable harbor on these islands.

We have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

  • J. M. Schofield,
    Major-General U. S. Army.
  • B. S. Alexander,
    Lieutenant Colonel Engineers, Brevet Brigadier General U. S. Army.
No. 241.]

Hon. Hamilton Fish,
Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.:

Sir: A telegram addressed to you by this legation, under date of February 7th instant, informed you of the decease of King Lunalilo on the 3d instant, and that in consequence of his not having nominated a successor for the throne, the legislative assembly was called to convene on the 12th instant for the purpose of choosing a new sovereign. Inclosed herewith is a portion of the Hawaiian Gazette of this date, which gives the official correspondence between this Government and the representatives of foreign countries in regard to Lunalilo’s death. It also contains an obituary notice, entitled “Our Late King,” and some other interesting matter pertaining to the same general subject. I also forward herewith some specimens of the political placards and broadsides with which the town has been inundated during the past few days; and which have tended to excite the popular mind to fever heat in regard to the succession to the throne.

Thinking it to be a prudent measure to be prepared against any violation of the public peace that may take place to-morrow—on the occasion of the election of a new sovereign—I have verbally requested Commander Belknap, commanding the U. S. S. Tuscarora and senior naval officer present, the U. S. S. Portsmouth, Commander Skerritt, being also in this port, to be prepared to land an armed force, in case it [Page 159] were required for the preservation of the peace and protection of life and property. I also addressed to him a note suggested by the Hawaiian minister of foreign affairs, recommending that the crews of the two vessels should be kept on board on the day of the national election, and for the reasons therein named. Copy of said note, together with Commander Belknap’s reply, is herewith inclosed, marked No. 3.

Mr. Wodehouse, British commander, just now called at the legation, and proposed that in case it became necessary to land an armed force from the vessels of war in port, that those belonging to H. B. M. ship Tendos and the United States vessels should be required to act in concert and unitedly for the preservation of good order and protection of life and property while occupying the town of Honolulu.

In reply I informed Mr. Wodehouse that in the contingency named the American forces, if landed, would act by request of the Hawaiian uthorities, and for the sole purposes he named; that I felt unwilling to trammel myself with pledges and understandings, as events might possibly arise requiring of me independent action and no time given me to consult with him. Therefore I felt compelled to decline his proposition.

To all this Mr. Wodehouse said, “very well.”

I am, etc.,

Henry A. Pierce.
No. 243.]

Hon. Hamilton Fish,
Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.:

Sir: I have now the honor to make report of what has transpired here on and since the 12th instant. On that day the legislative assembly elected the high chief, Hon. David Kalakaua, King of these islands; 39 votes were cast for him and 6 for Queen Emma, relict of Kamehameha IV. On the 13th instant he was installed as sovereign, under the name of “Kalakaua” (the word signifying “the day of battle”) in presence of all the officers of Government, the members of the diplomatic and consular corps, naval officers, and many other spectators.

On the announcement by the president of the assembly from the balcony of the court-house at 3 p.m. of 12th instant that Kalakaua was elected King, the populace received it with jeers and contempt.

The members of a committee that had been appointed by the assembly to wait upon Kalakaua and inform him of his election, as soon as they emerged from the building, were set upon and beaten by a mob. The majority of the committee were compelled to return to it, in a wounded and sad condition. The rioters thereupon assaulted the courthouse, broke its windows and sashes, forced in the rear doors, and effected an entrance to the rooms. The offices of the attorney-general, of Judge Hartwell and others, were sacked and gutted, and all their books and valuable papers thrown into the street and destroyed. They visited the room of the assembly, broke and destroyed the furniture, and assaulted such of the obnoxious members as they found within the building, viz, 10 or 12 persons in all. Some of these, severely injured and senseless, were carried off by Mends, the others escaped. The crowd outside continued to increase, and became more threatening [Page 160] and menacing. Cries were heard to “fire the town.” About 40 policemen, selected for the purpose, were on duty during the day; but when required to make arrests of rioters, took off their badges of office and disappeared among the crowd. The volunteer companies of the militia were not called out to assist in maintaining order, for the reason as I was told, that they could not be depended upon, being divided in political opinions.

It was at this condition or aspect of affairs that I received requests from the King elect and Minister Bishop and Governor Dominis to cause an armed force to be landed from the United States vessels of war Tuscarora and Portsmouth, then in port. To Commander Belknap, of the Tuscarora, as being the senior United States naval officer present and eyewitness with myself of all the events of the day, I immediately made the request, in conformity with the solicitations of the authorities above named. Within the space of ten minutes’ time 150 men and officers, under the respective commands of Commander Belknap and Commander Skerrett, were landed from their vessels, and arrived at the court-house and took possession of the building and square of ground surrounding the same. The greater part of the mob instantly dispersed. Some few of the ringleaders who remained were arrested on the spot by deputy sheriffs, assisted by our officers and men.

The armed force of 70 men that were landed from the British corvette Tenedos did not reach the court-house grounds until sometime after our forces had taken possession of the place. I am confident in belief that no request was originally made by the native authorities for the assistance of the English armed force. The executive officer and captain of marines of the Tenedos, in the absence of Capt. Ray, took the responsibility of landing them without orders; and they received the censure of Capt. Ray for same.

The matter has, however, been accepted and sanctioned by the Hawaiian authorities, and a letter, antedated, sent to the British commissioner making a request for assistance.

The United States forces have, since the 12th instant p.m., guarded the court-house, armory, treasury, prison, and station-house. The British force, after dispersing the crowd of natives that were assembled on the grounds of Queen Emma, and on making there a few arrests of ringleaders, then marched to occupy the barracks and to guard the palace and its grounds. There they have remained since the 12th instant.

On the night of the 12th instant some two or three shots were discharged upon the American guard at the court-house and returned by the latter. No one received damage therefrom. The town has been in a condition of peace and good order ever since then. Fifty-three rioters are in prison awaiting trial. Inclosed herewith are the following papers.

Extracts from the I. Commercial Advertiser of February 14, 1874, giving accounts of the doings of the assembly on the 12th instant, the particulars of the riot, with other interesting articles contained therein.

Copy of resolutions unanimously passed by the assembly on the 14th instant, tendering their thanks to the representatives of foreign powers and to the officers and crews of the war vessels in port for generous assistance given in preserving the peace and order of the Kingdom on the 12th day of February, 1874.

Printed copy of resolutions adopted by the foreign consular corps appointing the consuls for the German Empire and for France a committee to call upon the representatives of the United States and Great [Page 161] Britain, and to convey to them the sincere thanks of the foreign consuls for the promptness and impartiality with which the ships of war in port assisted the local authorities in putting an end to the disturbance on the 12th instant, and praising the conduct of officers and men.

Copy of a circular of date February 13, 1874, addressed to the legation from the Hawaiian department for foreign affairs, informing of the election of David Kalakaua, King of the Hawaiian Islands. Same to the same, of date February 14, 1874, informing that His Majesty the King had appointed, by the consent of the nobles, under the twenty-second article of the constitution, his brother, his royal highness Prince William Litt Leleiohoku, to be his successor to the throne after His Majesty’s decease.

Photographic likeness of King Kalakaua, and a biographical notice of him. Born November 16, 1836; educated at royal school then in charge of American missionaries; married December 19, 1863. Has wife and several children living, neither of whom are in the line of the succession to the throne.

Copies addressed by the legation to Commander Belknap, senior officer present, commanding the U. S. S. Tuscarora off Honolulu. One dated February 10, 1874, recommending the retention on board on the 12th instant (the day of election for King) the crews of the Tuscarora and Portsmouth. Another dated February 16, 1874, conveying my grateful acknowledgments and thanks to him and Commander Skerrett for valuable, discreet, and efficient services performed by the United States forces on the occasion of the riot in this town on the 12th instant, and for their subsequent services. In this connection, I beg leave further to say that the legation and all American citizens here are under deep obligations to Commanders Belknap and Skerrett, their officers and enlisted men and marines, composing the forces that were landed on the 12th instant, for suppressing the riot of that day and for services rendered since in guarding the public buildings and preserving order.

The disposition and handling of the force were admirable, and I observe that officers and men were disposed to use no more violence while suppressing the disturbance than was absolutely necessary to effect the object, and their conduct is deserving of commendation for that as well as in other respects.

At midnight of the 12th instant I received a note signed by King Kalakaua, requesting my presence at the palace at 7 o’clock the ensuing morning. On arrival there I found present His Majesty, Mr. Bishop, minister of foreign affairs, Mr. Wodehouse, British commissioner, and Mr. Ballien, French commissioner.

Mr. Bishop stated that the object of the meeting was te ascertain whether the representatives of the United States, Great Britain, and France then present, respectively, recognized Kalakaua as sovereign of the Hawaiian Kingdom. Each of said representatives replied in the affirmative.

Mr. Bishop then informed us that the King would be sworn into office and inaugurated on that day at 11 o’clock a.m., and he desired our presence on the occasion. The ceremony being hastened as to time, on account of the critical condition of affairs, the installation took place as arranged.

At the request of Mr. Bishop, Mr. Wodehouse, and Mr. Ballieu, I called the same morning on Queen Emma, and by authority of my colleagues and in my own capacity as minister resident of the United States, as well as her friend, said to her that each member of the diplomatic corps had acknowledged David Kalakaua as the King of the [Page 162] Hawaiian Islands and should hereafter recognize him as such, and we advised her to do the same, for the interests of herself and people and for the preservation of the peace of the Kingdom; that any further opposition to the declared will of the assembly, in regard to the succession to the throne, might result in serious difficulty to her and her supporters; that we recommended her to accept the fact of the legality of Kalakaua’s election as King, and to urge her people to likewise do the same, and not to commit any more acts of violence or disorder. Queen Emma listened to my remarks and advice with great attention and respect.

The same day, in the afternoon, she publicly addressed her people and gave them the counsel I had indicated, and also sent a message to the King that she acknowledged him as sovereign of the realm and that her people would do the same. The following morning the King called in person on her, was favorably received, and amicable relations now exist between them and the peace of the kingdom seems restored.

There is a lamentable want of physical strength in the Government to protect itself and foreign residents. The late riot was a natural outgrowth of the mutiny at the barracks last August and the impunity with which the offenders were let off. The weakness of the Government will probably increase, as the military and police force can not be relied on to support the law or to arrest its violation.

Were it not for the serious condition of things emanating from the above-named facts one would be amusingly reminded by the Hawaiian court and Government, their parade paraphernalia, etiquette, and diminutiveness of the nation and absence of strength, of the court and government of Offenbach’s Grand Duchess of Geralstine.

Hereafter a United States vessel of war should always be stationed at these islands under a system of reliefs. A time may arrive when the United States Government will find it necessary for the interests of our nation and its resident citizens here to take possession of this country by military occupation.

I am, sir, etc.,

Henry A. Pierce.
No. 245.]

Hon. Hamilton Fish,
Secretary of State:

Sir: Herewith inclosed is copy of the correspondence relating to the withdrawal of the United States armed force from this city. The event took place this morning at 6 o’clock, after a stay on shore of nearly eight days. The conduct of the officers and men during the whole period has been of a character entirely unexceptionable and deserving of commendation.

The British force landed from the Tenedos, about 70 men and officers, return on board this forenoon.

Since order was restored the King has daily invited two or three of the officers in charge of our force to dine with him; and all, both officers and men, express satisfaction with their treatment while on shore.

Very respectfully,

Henry A. Pierce.