Foreign Relations of the United States, 1894, Appendix II, Affairs in Hawaii

Mr. Willis to Mr. Gresham.

No. 30.]

Legation of the United States,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 19, 1894.

Sir: The first anniversary of the Provisional Government was celebrated last Wednesday, January 17, in accordance with the programme set forth in Dispatch No. 28, of January 16, by public reception, military parade, illuminations of Executive building, and a mass meeting at night. None of the foreign representatives participated in the observance of the day. No salutes were fired from the American, English, or Japanese war vessels in port. The day passed with no disturbance.

I inclose clippings from Commercial Pacific Advertiser of January 18, and The Hawaiian Star of same date, giving full account of the day’s proceedings and comments upon the failure of our Government to participate.

The representatives of foreign governments acted upon the instructions of their own governments, and upon their own responsibility, with the distinct disavowal on the part of the representative of the United States that its action was either intended or desired to control theirs.

Frequent editorials, similar in character to those inclosed, many of them severely reflecting upon the President of the United States and his Secretary of State, and also upon Mr. Blount, have appeared in the daily press. As the Hawaiian question is now pending before the Congress, and as the feeling here has been very intense, I have not thought proper thus far to take any official notice of them. I would be glad to have instructions from you upon the subject.

Very respectfully,

Albert S. Willis,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary.

[The Pacific Commercial Advertiser: Honolulu, January 18, 1894.]

A wonderful celebration—What Honolulu did on its Government’s first birthday—The speeches and speakers of the evening—Splendid illuminations at the Executive building—The morning’s parade—Fireworks in the evening—The largest crowd ever gathered together in Hawaii assembles on Palace Square.

The greatest anniversary in Hawaiian history has come and gone—January 17, a day that will live in the memories of all loyal people in the group, a day that by us and our descendants will be considered a day of rejoicing and gladness, a day that will be celebrated by everyone.

The celebration of the day started early in the morning, and a regular Fourth of July noise was heard from all quarters. Guns, firecrackers, bombs, tin horns, and every other available instrument that would make a noise was used. At about 6 a.m. the “antiques and horribles” turned out. At 9:30 the parade of the military forces started and drew an immense crowd, estimated at at least 4,000 people, who watched their evolutions with great interest. The reception of the President and Mrs. Dole was also a big attraction.

The raising of the big American flag on the flag pole of the American League also took place during the morning. In the afternoon the band concert at Thomas Square attracted a large crowd.

But the crowning event of the day occurred in the evening. Palace Square was not only crowded, but it was absolutely jammed with a seething mass of humanity. Fully 7,000 people were present at the evening’s celebration, and they were amply repaid for their trouble in going. There has never been such a crowd on any previous occasion in the history of Hawaii as assembled at the mass meeting last evening, and the fact that it was, in spite of the immense number, a most orderly gathering, is a matter of congratulation for the people of Honolulu.

The executive building and the grounds were a bower of loveliness. Thousands of lanterns were scattered about, suspended on trees, shrubbery, and every available point, while the building itself seemed covered with the soft radiance of innumerable lamps. Stretching from the ground on one side to the ground on the other, and extending to the highest point of the flag poles on the executive building, was a row of delicately colored lanterns. At the top of each flag pole was a circlet of lanterns. Across the entrance to the former palace, a row of brilliant red lights was extended. Each balcony was illuminated, and the whole building and grounds looked like a glimpse of fairyland.

All along the front of the grounds of the executive building a row of lanterns, lighted by incandescent electric lights, made a grand display. In front of the speaker’s stand two long lines of flags of all nations were crossed. The stand itself was lighted by a number of lanterns and decorated with American flags. A few chairs were placed in front of the stand, but the great majority of the listeners stood.

Before the speeches began a great many fireworks were set off in the executive building yard. The display was magnificent, and is an immense credit to those in charge. There were firecrackers, skyrockets, dynamite bombs, red and green lights, and many other kinds of fiery illuminations, both before and after speech-making. They were fired from all parts of the grounds and from the top of the building, and were greatly enjoyed by the thousands present.

A more detailed account of the day’s proceedings follows:

antiques and horribles—they turn out early in the morning and enjoy themselves.

The Antiques and Horribles made their appearance at 6 o’clock, as advertised. All Fort street, between King and Hotel, was crowded with people, mostly little boys, who were out early to see fun.

About 6:30 o’clock the procession started up Fort street. The caricatures were not horrible enough, and so created but little mirth and laughter. One of the characters represented Blount carrying a rat trap on which were the words “Blount’s instruments.” Much fun was caused by one of the Antiques running through the crowd on a bullock. The take-off on Mrs. Vina King and George Washington was poor. Satan made a good hit. About 7:30 o’clock the Antiques and Horribles, after parading through the principal streets, broke up near May’s store on Fort street.

raising the flag—the american league’s huge banner is elevated.

The huge flag of the American League was unfurled to the breeze during the morning, accompanied by martial strains from the band. The tall flagpole, with a big star on its top, looked rather bare before the big banner was hauled up, but when the wind caught the large folds of the flag, and the Stars and Stripes floated gracefully to the breeze, the pole was complete, and a cheer went up from the crowd that had assembled to see the raising.

the parade—the troops turn out in honor of the day.

An immense throng of people watched the parade of the military on Palace Square during the morning. There were over 800 men in line, and the drill passed off in a manner most creditable to the officers and men of the different companies. Col. Soper received the troops, and after a short preliminary drill they were handed over to Lieut. Col. Fisher, who put them through the manual of arms. After this the men were marched up Punchbowl to Beretania to Fort, to King, to Nuuanu, and thence back to the barracks, where they were dismissed. When they arrived in front of the building of the American League the new flag was saluted, while the band played the Star Spangled Banner. The men were followed over the whole line of march by quite a crowd.

The following are the companies and the commanders who took part in the parade: Company B, Capt. John Good; Company C, Capt. Jos. Camara; Company F, Capt, Julius Asch; Company D, Capt. Hugh Gunn; Company A, Capt. Ziegler; and Company E, Capt. Wilder.

the president receives.—a few of those who called at the executive building.

The reception held at the executive building was a great success, and was in many ways a marked contrast with those which were held in the palace under the monarchy. There was no stiffness, but an atmosphere of free and democratic good fellowship prevailed. The people came in freely, in their every morning dress, and were received by President Dole and Mrs. Dole, with the Vice-President, the members of the cabinet, and the members of the supreme court and their ladies, and also Judges Cooper and Whiting of the circuit court. Immediately behind the President were the officers of his staff, Col. J. H. Soper, Lieut. Col. Fisher, and Maj. McLeod. Maj. Potter introduced the guests. Mrs. Dole was also assisted by the following ladies: Mrs. C. L. Carter, Mrs. laukea, Miss Hopper, Miss Lowrey, Miss Parke, Miss Perry, Miss Von Holt, Miss Mossman, Miss Gilman, Miss Judd, Miss Wing, Miss Forbes, Miss Jones, Miss Hartwell, Miss Mott-Smith, Miss Helen Wilder, Miss Lita Wilder, the Misses Young, Miss Glade, Miss Atkinson, Miss Paty, Miss McGrew, Miss Hassinger, Miss Sorrenson, Miss Hatch, Miss Tanner, Miss Afong, and Miss Howland.

The reception took place in the large council chamber. It was undecorated except with bunches of crysanthemums, with which flower also many official buttonholes were adorned. The stream of people came in double file and flowed unceasingly from 11 o’clock until 10 minutes of 12, after which it began to intermit. The halls and verandas of the executive building, as well as the council chamber, were thronged. Among those who called to pay their respects to the President and his wife were a considerable number of Hawaiians. One old native from Manoa Valley presented Mr. Dole with a large boquet. The incident was a very pretty and affecting one, and excited much attention.

A few naval officers were present in civilian dress. Royalists were conspicuous by their absence.

About one hundred of those present inscribed their names in the visitors list, but owing to the large attendance hundreds went away without doing so.

Following are the names of those who registered:

J. W. Pratt, Thomas E. Wall, Joseph A. Altsheler, John S. McGrew, James L. Torbert, Wray Taylor, Joseph Marsden, William Horace Wright, R. P. Waipa, E. M. Langley, D. O. Kaimae, J. Kanae, Joseph U. Kawainui, H. Stangelwald, m. d., and wife, E. R. Neuman and wife, T. M. Starkey, W. James Smith, D. B. Smith, G. West, Miss L. West, A. A. Montana. Lieut. J. Bergot, Lieut. Julius Asch, W. C. Wilder, jr., H. M. Leonards, W. C. Parke, L. W. Hough, George L. Desha, F. M. Lyon, L. M. Johnson, W. L. Stanley, Henry Danfad, C. Bolte and wife, Mr. T. W. Horbron and wife, Miss K. Grey, Laura Duncan, Mr. and Mrs. F. J. Lowery, Jonathan Shaw, George C. Ross, Charles F. Peterson, De B. P. Penhallow, Mrs. Penhallow, Charles M. Cooke, Anna C. Cooke, C. H. Kluegel, H. H. Williams and wife, W. R. Castle and wife, H. T. Taylor, W. C. Waldman, U. S. N., J. J. Egan, Mrs. J. Egan, E. L. Marshal, Mr. and Mrs. G. P. Castle, Mrs. M. E. Tenny, Dr. F. J. Cordiao, U. S. N., Ambroise Perry, W. D. Alexander, jr., Miss Nanon Gullixon, Portland, Oreg., Miss Myrtle Compson, Portland, Creg., Mr. and Mrs. Thomas F. Lansing, Charles J. Fishee, Frank Godfrey, editor Paradise of the Pacific, C. S. Bradford, Seattle, Wash., S. Sacks, sr., Denver House, R. T. Coulter, Los Angeles, Cal., W. H. McInerney, Mr. and Mrs. E. Loisson, H. M. Whitney, Mrs. Clara Banning, E. E. Mossman, Miss M. H. Mossman, Mr. and Mrs. J. S. Andrade, Miss Fanny Vieria, Mr. and Mrs. C. H. Luther, Mr. and Mrs. H. F. Whichman, Mrs. Sorrenson, Miss H. Sorrenson, M. A. Gonsalves, Mrs. W. D. Alexander, Curtis B. Lyons, W. A. Kinney, Henry Smith, Mapuana Smith, Mr. and Mrs. Henry Davis, Mr. and Mrs. J. A. Kennedy, Mr. and Mrs. J. A. Hopper, Mr. and Mrs. W. L. Hopper, Miss Hopper, Miss E. E. Hopper, Mr. and Mrs. E. W. Peterson, Miss Burroughs of Brooklyn, N. Y., Miss R. Lewers, Miss H. Lewers, Miss E. Carter, Mrs. S. Gilman, F. Atherton, J. M. Oat and wife, Mr. E. Hammer, Mrs. R. Corea, Mrs. S. W. Wilson, Mrs. M. J. Forbes, Miss H. Forbes, M. P. Robinson, William J. J. Keasler, Mrs. A. McWayne, Miss Frances Jonnson, Miss Bertha Bindt, Mr. F. Bindt, John L. Bush, Mrs. John L. Bush, F. A. Davies, Mr. and Mrs. M. D. Monsarrat, Miss Fanning, Lieut. L. T. Kanake, Miss S. Genns, Mark Green, H. H. Palmer, Mrs. G. J. Ross, Mrs. M. A. Wood, Miss F. Lynch, Miss T. Henry, William A. Bowen, F. B. McStocker, Mrs N. L. McStocker, Miss Bessie Along, Miss L. Brickwood, Mrs. C. K. Brown, Miss Mabel Ladd, John H. Paty, Miss Annie Paty, Otto G. Benschultz, Ella V. Benschultz, William P. Elliott, lieutenant U. S. Navy, C. Theo. Vogelgesang, ensign U. S. Navy, T. B. Murray, W. N. F. Behrens, Flora Glade, Clara Glade, Mr. and Mrs. E. D. Tenney, Mary Ann Hatch, Mary H. S. Carter, Zoe Atkinson, J. B. Atherton, F. A. Hosmer and wife, Miss E. B. McLoud, Miss Beckwith, Mr. and Miss P. H. Dodge, Miss Snow, Hiram Bingham, E. K. Bingham, L. Bingham Coan, Mrs. William W. Hall, Miss Charlotte Hall, A. B. Lyons, P. J. Frein, S. E. Bishop, Mrs. S. E. Bishop, Mildred S. Kinney, Mr. and Mrs. J. S. Martin, Mrs. E. Damon, Frank W. Damon, R. J. Green, Mrs. R. Jay Green, Ida C. Mott-Smith, Mary F. Paty. John Effinger, J. Lucas, Nell M. Lowrey, Margaret L. Hopper, Dr. and Mrs. R. P. Myers, Mrs. George C. Lees, Mrs. E. W. Jordan, Miss Emma Jordan, Mrs. P. C. Jones, Ada Jones, Rev. C. M. Hyde, Mrs. Hyde, Miss Knight, Mrs. Tenney, Miss Gilman, Anna M. Sorrenson, Marie R. Yon Holt, Mr. and Mrs. L. A. Andrews, Miss Mabel Hartwell, Miss Forbes, Miss Parke, Anna Perry, Kate Howland, Myra Angus, Grace L. Wing, Ida C. Dower, Mary G. Dower, Susanna R. Patch, Arthur F. Wall, W. E. Brown, G. H. Paris, Ellen R. Hopper, Harriet Burrows, W. M. Templeton, Rev. A. Mackintosh, Mrs. A. Mackintosh, Miss A. Mossman, Miss J. Tanner, Miss B. Ruth Young, Miss Young, Miss M. Smith, Mrs. Mary Clement Leavitt, Justice and Mrs. Bickerton, Helen Kinau Wilder, Lita Wilder, Miss Hassinger, Mrs. J. M. Angus, Mrs. Jaonew, Francis M. Nicoll, Mr. and Mrs. Walter C. Weedon, Virginia S. Winslow, Marie Afong, E. A. Magee, John M. Angus, Agnes E. Judd, G. G. Tucker, George W. Smith, Mr. and Mrs. Melancthon M. Hurd, Miss Alice G. Hurd, Mrs. Arthur Whipple, A. F. Judd, Dr. J. A. Cloud, R. C. A. Peterson, Henry W. Howard, m. d., R. B. Dunlop, Maj. George McLoud, Hugh J. Ordway, H. F. Glade, German consul, Mrs. Glade.

portuguese procession—headed by the band they make a fine appearance.

Just before the speeches began a large number of Portuguese marched down Richard street, headed by their own band. A large number of torches were carried, and also transparencies, on which the following mottoes were conspicuous: “Progresso, uniao, liberdado,” “No monarchy in ours,” “P. G. and Portugee, we’re the 400,” “Liberty or death,” “Liberty and union,” “America is our goal,” and others of a like nature. They took up their position on the corner of King and Richard streets, where they stood during the speaking.

the speeches.—what was said by the speakers of the evening.

The immense throng that crowded around the speakers’ platform long before the time set for the speeches to begin was amply rewarded by hearing what followed. Eloquent eulogiums of the Provisional Government were applauded to the echo, and great enthusiasm was shown by the audience. Never has such a crowd been seen at a mass meeting in Honolulu. In the right-hand part of the stand was the place reserved for the speakers and a few other prominent men. On the left, the press stand, occupied by representatives of the local press and the foreign correspondents.

Mr. Atherton, the chairman of the evening, spoke as follows:

“Fellow Citizens: The last mass meeting of citizens and others in this city was held on the 28th of November, 1893. It was called to protest against the action of Mr. Cleveland, and was large and enthusiastic. The protest was emphatic. Contrary to the expectation of Grover Cleveland, the publication of Gresham’s letter bound together the men who had imperiled not only their lives, but their property and their fortunes, in an effort to establish a good, an honest, and a strong government in Hawaii. The same men have come together again to-night, though not in the same place nor for the same purpose. We are here to celebrate the anniversary of the Provisional Government. It has been on trial for a full year, and in spite of prophecies it has stood firm and has been sustained by the best and the most trustworthy men in Hawaii. The future is in the hands of men whom we can trust. The Government is morally and financially sound, and upheld as it is by strong hands and willing hearts, it will live and prosper, until in the providence of God it shall be absorbed in the great American Union.”

J. B. Castle: “Fellow annexationists: It seems to me that there is but little to say, but that little should be said in tones to reverberate through the ages of Hawaii’s future, in tones which will reach our children’s children. These truths, citizens of the future State of Hawaii, others can emphasize better than I, but two thoughts have come to me. One year ago to-day noon, we stood on a platform with two planks—the abolition of the monarchy and absorption into the United States. On the 24th day of last month the Provisional Government drove the last in the coffin of Hawaiian monarchy. By the strength of our own right arms and steadfast purpose, united in all that is essential, the last article of our platform will he accomplished, and our mother in Washington will take to herself her own. ‘All roads lead to Rome,’ was a proverbial saying in that great Empire. In Hawaii every political highway and byway should lead to annexation. Our hope is in that. Every road leads to Washington. Standing upon this platform of one plank, all differences must vanish; all factions melt away. We wish no permanent government, nor anything else which does not lead to annexation; no change which does not make for that; no republic but the Great Republic. The question before us is simplicity itself. No man of clear brain and right heart will oppose union with that country which secures, by its system of equal liberty and equal laws, the best opportunity for the solution of every problem which can assail us in the century to come. We hear voices which might as well come from royalists: ‘You’re not out of the woods yet?’ ‘Don’t count your chickens before they are hatched.’

“Such words should come, if not from cowards, at least from men who have no faith in our cause. We celebrate the justice of our cause, and would do so still though a thousand restorations were to follow. I would write this day in our statutes and make it an eternal holiday, and in the future our children will thank God that there were men here who held to their purpose, and who never flinched. The 17th is a day of auspicious omen. It was the birthday of Kamehameha III, who, at the close of his life, wearied with an ineffectual struggle, fought for union with the United States. It is worthy of note that the influences against us then came from the slave power, as the only element which has caused delay now, has come from the party which upheld slavery in the United States. Gentlemen, I am done. I have made no preparation for to-night. This sea of heads, this illumination, surpassing every other, are inspiration enough. There is one man in this city to-night whom I envy. It is the anniversary of his wedding day, and when in the future his children gather around his knee, he will add to the patriotic memories of this holiday, those which cluster around the hearth-side, and will bless doubly the 17th of January, 1893.

Gen. Hart well said: “The development of national liberty, regulated by law, is not the result of accident or chance. It is peculiar to no country nor clime; wherever there is a community in which intelligent, honest, and independent habits of thought and of action prevail, civil liberty is sure to come and abide. The day of the divine rights of kings and queens has disappeared from modern civilization; but the supremacy of law is everywhere bound to assert itself, for it has a divine origin in the Great Law Giver of the universe. On the 13th day of January, 1893, the Government of the Hawaiian Islands was that of a constitutional monarchy, under the constitution which was established in July, 1887. The head of the Government, the Queen, was not amenable to any law, except to the unwritten law which required her to govern herself in accordance with the requirements of the constitution under which she became a sovereign, which she had sworn to observe, and under which alone she could legally remain a sovereign. If any official of the Government, whether in the executive, legislative, or judicial department, violated the law, he could be called to account, and the community had a remedy, more or less effective, for such violation of its rights.

“What was the remedy if the head of the Government declined to be bound by the constitution? When King John refused to govern himself by English by-laws, the barons of England at the point of the sword, compelled him to sign and swear to the Magna Charta of Runnymede in the year 1215. The right of petition and the right of habeas corpus followed, culminating in the glorious revolution of 1688, when William and Mary came over. All this is known to every school boy, as part of the history of civil liberty in the great Republic of England. But how was it in Hawaii last January? The Hawaiian Runnymede had been passed in July of 1887, and yet the Hawaiian Sovereign declined to keep her obligations. The result was that the system known as the Hawaiian Constitutional Monarchy, no longer existed. It was like the removal of the keystone of an arch, the structure fell. It was then that citizens of Honolulu established a Provisional Government, in the presence of actual or impending anarchy. That was a conservative and not a revolutionary proceeding.

“The avowed and the legitimate objects of that Goverement were to maintain the public peace and to promote political union with the United States of America. The latter object awaits the result of time and full consideration and may depend upon events and contingencies yet to occur; but the preservation of law and order which thus far has been secured is a simple necessity. For the continued accomplishment of that object there will be ample scope for the wisdom and patriotism and moderation and charity of this community to display themselves. With the founders and supporters of the existing Government of Hawaii there is no place for selfish interest or personal aggrandizement. The strong common sense of the people is thoroughly enlisted in the cause of honest stable government. It will have nothing short of that, and it will have no other, for the end in view is, that ‘this shall he a government of laws and not of men.’”

President Hosmer. “Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, and fellow citizens, at a banquet given to Prince Bismarck, a few years before his retirement, he offered a toast to the three great branches of the Anglo-Saxon race, to the German Fatherland, to Great Britain, and to the young Republic of the West. While these three nations have taken the largest strides, and the Latin race has been less fortunate, it has an example of popular government in France, and the spirit of liberty still lives in Portugal. This community with its mixed population has seen fit to resist absolutism, and to create a purer form of government. For the last twenty years there has not been a stable government here, a government that commanded the respect of the civilized world. If we get annexation we will have a stable government (A voice: That’s what we want), and that’s what we will get. With annexation there will be a brilliant opportunity for every industrious man and prosperity will be within the reach of all.

“The Nicaragua Canal will bring a flood of trade, and immensely enhance the importance of these islands. Annexation is manifest destiny, and we are bound to have it. During these troubles we have been fortunate in the possession of men who have been willing, at great personal loss and sacrifice, to assume the burdens and responsibilities of public office. We want to assure them of our heavy support, and entire confidence, and they have it.”

H. T. Waterhouse spoke briefly in Hawaiian, [pointing to the motto Aloha]: “That is our foundation, to live in love to each other. The light has broken upon us—we have lived in darkness. Let us now embrace the light. The doors of the former palace were opened to-day for the poor and needy to enter, and that movement will enlarge the opportunities of the poor. Then go forward and secure liberty and prosperity.”

W. O. Smith: “lam to speak on behalf of the Provisional Government; I am sorry no one worthier has been found. [A voice, “You are good enough!”] Our feeling should be one of gratitude and pride. I am proud of the strong and brave men who have supported the Provisional Government for the past year.” The speaker then went on to say a good word for the Hawaiians, who have been quiet and orderly, submitting to the laws although the meaning of the movement had been misrepresented to them, and they were mistrustful in consequence. Europeans would not have done so under the same circumstances. It was necessary to have patience and forbearance with them. Matters of a public nature were difficult enough to deal with under any circumstances, but now this is more than ordinarily the case. The ordinary channels of expression through the ballot box have been closed, and there has been a powerful, hostile influence from without to contend against.

“It is a matter of pride that thus far self-interest has been subordinated to higher considerations. Men have stood ready to make any sacrifices to support the great principle at stake. If any one thinks it is an easy job to be wet nurse to a baby government let him try it and see. The baby has been teething, has had the whooping cough and the measles, and lately I think it has been suffering with the colic, and then the grandmother in the United States wanted to come over and spank it, but it has lived through it all, and is a lusty and growing infant, and with your aid and support another year will find it stronger. I have just a few words more to say. I don’t know in just what form our future difficulties will arrive. Our grand object is the attainment of good government through union with the United States. We must subordinate personal ambition and self-interest to this one end and then we will move on to success.”

Some one in the crowd then proposed three cheers for President Dole, which were given with a will.

Judge Robertson: “I thank the committee for giving me this opportunity to appear as a fellow Annexationist. A year ago I was five thousand miles away, unconscious of what was taking place and unable to take part in the resistance to the fatal act of the foolish Queen. Upon the arrival of the five commissioners in the United States 1 recognized the same spirit which told Kalakaua in 1887 to come down from his high horse, and in 1889 told Bob Wilcox to come out from his gasoline tank. I was pleased to hear that the boys of ’87 were still in the ranks in 1893. I read a letter in the Star the other day in which a British sailor was offended at being called a boy, but I shall never feel insulted at being called ‘one of the boys.’ Old men for counsel; young men for war. The young men here were ready a few weeks ago to fight our great and good friend, Grover Cleveland.

“I am not ashamed to confess that my conversion to annexation dates back only one year. I was proud of my country’s independence and willing to submit to the monarchy until its abuses and corruptions were too intolerable to be borne any longer. We will seek a new and greater independence in the United States, where all our people will become citizens of the Republic, where the accident of birth will no longer be regarded, and all will be equal before the law. I believe that now that there is no more monarchy and no more royalty, the country is better for it. Every boy who grows up will feel on an equal footing with his neighbor. The royalists have prophesied that the Queen would be restored to her throne. The throne was not hers, but lent her by the people, whose voice is as the voice of God, and when she violated the conditions and abused her privileges the people had an inalienable right to take it away from her again. Many had hoped that she had learned something from the example of Kalakaua and believed that she should have a fair chance. The supreme court gave her a chance to choose her own cabinet, and everybody knows how she returned the compliment in the constitution which she didn’t promulgate. While we decline to return in our steps, we must be patient and considerate. The period is one of transition and trial, and the future will depend on our present conduct. With an administration like the present we may be sure that what the Government does will be for the best interest of the country at large, and that their efforts will be finally crowned with success.”

Walter G. Smith said: “The 17th of January is a day which stands for a great deal that is inspiring in the political annals of the world. It was upon that day, in 1793, that the people of France condemned to death a despotic king and made liberty, which has been the dream of the philosopher, the possession of the subject. Then and there the republican movement in Europe, in spite of precedents and older activities, really began its onward march. Up to that era most of the people of the European mainland had been fixed in the belief that a state without a king and a church without a bishop meant chaos and infidelity.

“The events which grouped about that January day brought them to their senses. The scales fell from their eyes when the King’s head fell into the basket, and they saw that the divinity which had seemed to hedge the despot had been but a figment of their own superstitious and inherited fears. It was then that the feudal principle in the politics of the world received a wound that was to defy all surgery. One hundred years after that great day in France came a day in Hawaii when the last independent sovereign in the Western Hemisphere lost her throne and the last recognized dynasty on this side of the globe was expunged from the calendar of princes.

“Thereupon the 17th of January gained the right to be known as one of the world’s democratic holidays. It is the day from which an historical chapter in the contest of the subject against the crown, on both sides of the earth, transpicuously dates. Let what the day has witnessed for France, for Hawaii, and for all men, approve the thought that it is a sign set eternal in the heavens of futurity that kings and queens and potentates shall be no more, and that the reign of the people has begun. My friends, it builds up a man’s political constitution to be a citizen of Hawaii in such an era as is now in the vigor and brightness of its prime. It is a privilege, so far as the principle is concerned, equal to that enjoyed by the fortunate men, some of them your ancestors and mine, who did duty at Faneuil Hall or behind the earthworks of Bunker Hill. I do not withdraw the comparison, because Hawaii in contrast with colonial America is so small or because the forces with which you grappled beside those which stood for England, were so weak and impotent; for it must ever be remembered that your defiance to the tottering Hawaiian monarchy lost no tone of sternness or of courage when you stood at bay to the President of the United States and the power which he misused.

“There is nothing more inspiring in the annals of 1776 than the unwavering front which you preserved in your great emergency. There, on the one side, was the chief of sixty millions; here was an armed body of a paltry thousand; there was the strongest of modern powers, with its army and its fleets; here were a few lone rocks in the ocean without a fort upon its pinnacles and without a gun upon a deck; there was a great Government whose President had declared that our dethroned Queen should reign again; here was a little band of men who said that she must pass over their dead bodies first; there in our harbor were the broadsides of a possible foe; here on shore was a battalion behind its sandbags! The odds were great, but the patriots of Hawaii took them; and if the American people, aroused by that spectacle, had not placed themselves between us and all harm, I feel that here upon this soil would have been a new Thermopylae, not less consecrated to human Courage than was that which made immortal the memory of 300 Greeks. It is not enough, fellow citizens, to look backward with pride, for we must look forward with courage. You destroyed a monarchy one year ago to-day; what are we to have in place of it is year from to-day or ten years hence?

“The problem of January 17 was easy to solve beside the problems that may be in store; problems which will tax the calmest statesmanship of the great man who is our President to-day; which will also tax the wisdom and experience of his cabinet, the sagacity and patience of our councils. We have a party at home devoted to the lost cause and a moneyed influence abroad conspiring for control. We are in the midst of alien races and more alien creeds. There is a clamor of many tongues within our gates; the pressure of foreign governments at the outer walls. Our enemies are powerful and insidious, and though some work secretly and others openly all are united to defeat the objects of the January revolution. It is for us to remain steadfast to those objects, no matter who or what may prove false to them; no matter who or what may conspire or oppose; no matter what self-interest may undermine; no matter who may come with the olive branch in one hand and a dagger in another. This is our highest public duty. There is but one political goal and watchword for us all and that is annexation. It is the beginning and end of our political alphabet. It is the best hope of the Americans in Hawaii, and of thousands who are not Americans except in principle, and it is the best that could happen to the natives.

“Whatever comes and whatever proposals of government may be, we must be true to the objects of the revolution or we shall be undone by the forces now at work against us. But what, it may be asked, if annexation is long delayed, if the wait becomes one of years? What if we are left to work out our own salvation first? Fellow-citizens, in that event, the best thing we can do is to work it out on the American plan and by the exercise of Anglo-Saxon pluck, and leave the rest to the Ruler of all nations. I sometimes think that Providence may have a great political work for this little island community to perform before our common hopes may be secured and realized. It is in such small confines that God has set the mightiest forces of the world’s affairs in motion. Events upon a narrow strip of sea shore, among the fishers and the poor, have swayed the world for nineteen centuries.

“Some of the brightest chapters of civilization and the strongest ones of philosophy, and the most heroic ones of war, opened among the isles of Greece. Upon the narrow ledges of Switzerland a few plain people and a few plain rules did more for mankind in one unhappy day than all the empires. Among the sea-girt hills of Corsica was born the genius of Napoleon. In Haiti all men were once taught the might of a free people. Nor is this all. From those little islands in the northern seas where the British flag first reddened the dull air, the strongest tides of civilization have flowed for a thousand years in a continuous stream. You might take those islands and put them in the midst of one of the many great American lakes and they could not be seen from the shore; but their very name to the Zulu of the Cape, to the bushman of Australia, to the redman of the forests of Manitoba, to the high and the low all over the earth is the incarnation of one of the world’s affairs. Surely the opportunity to do great things and useful things is not dependent upon the size of the theater. It may be, for ought we know, that Hawaii has some historical function to perform before her identity is merged into the greatness of the Union.

“No man can foresee where and how the responsibility is to fall; but if it should be for us to spread ideas of free government through the thousands sent among us from the coast of Asia; if it becomes our privilege to inspire the same eagerness for liberty among them which the colonial Americans lodged in the minds of their French allies, and which the latter put to such good service on the 17th of January, 1793, why that is a duty which all true Americans would be proud to perform as the best homage they could pay to the Fatherland, to the flag they yet hope to see waving over the North American continent, and to the principles which they believe will some day dominate the world. Whether annexation comes now or is deferred for a generation, in either case there are American principles to teach and American duties to perform on the Hawaiian Islands which our people will uphold with courage, administer with prudence, and defend, if needs be, with their lives. And if such years are to come and stern duties befall, I am sure that none of us will forget that annexation is the end that must be sought, the object that must and shall be won. It is that which will give Hawaii diversified industries; fill the land with the instruments of modern progress; connect it with the cable systems of the world; multiply its population by a score; expand its commerce and its trade; upbuild its civilization; give peace to all its people, and strengthen the authority of the American Republic in this great ocean.

“It is a prize worth working for, and one upon which courage and patience will not be wasted. Standing here upon ground once consecrated to the pomp of monarchy, face to face with the deroyalized house of government, knowing no flag so dear as the Stars and Stripes, we appeal to our countrymen to open their gates to us of kindred blood; but we pledge ourselves, if that can not be, to be at least worthy of the service by the work we shall do on this soil for the glory of American principles.”

notes of the day—some of the happenings of yesterday briefly reviewed.

Two large bon fires, in honor of the day, were made on the peninsula at Ewa, by the Portuguese, from 7 till 8 o’clock.

The decorations of the executive building and grounds surpassed anything of the kind ever attempted.

Three thousand people grilled in the sun watching the parade.

The report of Judge Hart well’s and W. G. Smith’s speeches in this issue is a verbatim one.

An old resident states that he has never seen as large a crowd in Honolulu, except, possibly, at the funeral of Kamehameha III.

One of the policemen on duty last night at Palace Square states that he had never seen such an orderly and well-behaved crowd.

The column was so long that when the head of the battalion reached the corner of Fort street and Beretania one company was still on Richard street.

A number of fireworks in the executive grounds were “homemade.”

The green and red lights that so beautifully lit up the grounds made a scene not soon to be forgotten by those fortunate enough to see it.

The Portuguese procession was a great success.

C. S. Bradford deserved great credit for his arrangement of the speakers and press stand.

Notwithstanding the fact that orders were received by the officers of the men of war in port not to call officially at the president’s reception, a number of them did so, though in plain clothes.

The fireworks that were being fired from the roof of the executive building accidentally caught fire and went up in one big blaze. It was hard on the boys, but it was a beautiful sight while it lasted.

The flag pole of No. 1 engine company was gaily decorated with lanterns last evening.

In front of the engine house No. 2 an evergreen banner was stretched across the street containing the word “Annexation.” In the evening the flag pole and house were illuminated with lanterns.

[The Pacific Commercial Advertiser, Thursday, January 18, 1894.]

The celebration of the 17th of January was the most enthusiastic and successful festival ever held in this city. The programme of the day went off without a jar. The Government and the Annexation party stand more strongly intrenched and more united in feeling now that they have turned to review the events and mark the progress of this stirring year.

a vicarious apology.

A great deal of indignation is felt at the discourtesy, to use no stronger word, shown by the diplomatic corps towards the Provisional Government yesterday. This indignation is directed towards the U. S. minister plenipotentiary and envoy extraordinary, Willis, who as the head of the diplomatic body, is of course responsible for the course taken, the other members merely following his lead.

We feel no sympathy for this indignation, which appears to us quite unfounded. At the same time it is so natural that it should be felt, and expressed too, that we take the liberty of suggesting some considerations in explanation of the apparently extraordinary course of the American minister.

In a nutshell, the truth is that Mr. Willis found himself in a dilemma. The entire sovereignty and independence of the Hawaiian Government having been fully recognized by the United States, the American war ships should have fired a salute. On the other hand, the United States having demanded the surrender of the Government, a salute should not have been fired. As a free and independent nation, we should have been saluted, but as a private dependency of Mr. Cleveland, we should not. As we are at peace with the United States, the minister should have bowed and smiled at the Executive building, but as we are at war, he should have barred his front gate, rolled himself up in the American flag, and gazed around with an air of gloomy and forbidding defiance. Who shall “rede” this riddle; who shall resolve these contradictions’? Whatever course Mr. Willis had pursued, he might have cited chapter and verse for it. Whatever he had done he would have been right. Is this Government at peace with the United States or not? Does the United States recognize its sovereignty or not? Who shall say? Does Mr. Willis himself know?

We think that the foregoing facts should teach us to be patient and forbearing in our relations with the United States minister, and to withhold our judgments. Whichever way he turns he finds himself confronted with the bristling horns of a dilemma. Everywhere bloody prospects of impalement, and no way of escape. If he has not found a way out of the difficulty consistent with the usages of diplomacy, the ordinary requirements of courtesy, the dignity and power of the great nation which he represents, the fault is not his, but his master’s.

The whole situation is an extraordinary commentary upon the foreign policy which has brought things to such a pass. Mr. Cleveland disowning the acts of his predecessor is like the Pope who exhumed the body of a rival and cast it into the Tiber. Unhappily, the President has not to deal with a rival only. His own acts of recognition are there, in like manner to be exhumed and disowned. What is to be done with them? He would, and he would not; and what with calling President Dole his “great and good friend,” and then stabbing him under the fifth rib—between the open smiles of friendship and the secret acts of enmity—he has brought the diplomatic relations of the United States with this country into a tangle which it would take a greater than Solomon to unravel. Hawaii is at peace with the American people, but at war with Mr. Cleveland, and Mr. Willis has chosen to cast in his lot with that of the man who unquestionably is his master, and who claims to be the master of the American people, too.

We are inclined to believe that the above suggestions contain a sound theory of the conduct f the American minister. At the same time any hypothesis can be at best but tentative and provisional. We are treading here diplomatic mazes where all light fails us and precedents are not. Yet the theory indicated would seem to be as plausible as any. It would be absurd to suppose that Mr. Willis denies the right of this Government to observe such holidays as it may choose. It would be monstrous to imagine that he or his Government resents the celebration of a day which marks above all other days the regard which this Government and Ms supporters bear the United States. If it be true, indeed, that the constant affection of Americans for their native land is a crime in the eyes of Mr. Willis and his master, then, certainly, like Othello, we have “loved not wisely, but too well.”

In the meanwhile, in spite of the neglect of the United States minister plenipotentiary, the Provisional Government still lives and pursues its calm way unmoved. It has celebrated its anniversary, rejoicing. It has not only survived a year of trial within and without, but it has grown stronger, wiser, and better, and it stands to-day secure in its strength, in the brightness of its hopes, in anticipations well founded upon the deeds of the past, leading away from despotism, pointing forward to the freedom of the American flag, and remaining an abiding guarantee that government of the people, by the people and for the people shall not perish in this outpost of civilization in the Pacific.

[The Hawaiian Star, Thursday, January 18, 1894.]

january 17.

Within the memory of the oldest inhabitant there has been no more inspiring holiday than that of January 17. This is not alone due to the events it stood for. A fact of but less significance was in the way it was received by the natives who have been so strongly counted on to swell the following of the lost cause. They flocked to the reception at the executive building and paid sincere honors to the chief of the State, and hundreds of them participated with unmistakable good will in the splendid festivities of the evening. The day was one of rejoicing and satisfaction to the masses, and the party of reactionaries was forgotten in the midst of the common jubilee The Provisional Government and the cause of annexation are the stronger for the way in which the people showed their aloha for the powers that be.

did very well without him.

It is to be regretted that “contingencies” should have arisen by which Minister Willis was unable to take note of yesterday’s holiday and by which the Philadelphia and her consort were prevented from hanging up flags in place of their weekly washing. These “contingencies,” it may be observed, are due to the strange perversity of the Americans here in not making way when asked to, for the return of a discarded heathen Queen and her rabble of boodlers and hula-drivers. To have them do that is so strong and fervid an ambition of the part of the worshipful chieftain of the American Democracy, or what there is left of it since the November elections, that he would see them in the river Styx before he would let his personal agent here acknowledge their claims of independence; that is to say acknowledge them again. As to that personal agent himself, whom we have heard was a gallant Union captain during the war, we are constrained to doubt that he fully believes in the justice and Americanism of such a programme. However, He-Who-Must-Be-Obeyed leaves his official employes small latitude of judgment when a question comes up between the rights of a free people and the prerogatives of a would-be dictator. Being somewhat in the dictator line himself, Cleveland feels like standing in with the profession. We must surmise that he abhors the fact that such, an uncontrollable thing as popular sentiment and Congressional initiative sometimes gets in his way.

However, the Americans of Hawaii and their German, English, Portuguese, and native friends made a great holiday all by themselves on the 17th of January, and hardly missed the diplomatic absentee, or stopped to grumble at the long lines of half-dry undershirts and pantaloons with which the Navy saluted the Republican anniversary. They were having too good a time for anything of that sort and were content to leave the extraordinary envoy to himself and to the pleasure which he might derive from hearing the song of the dinkey bird in the damafula tree.

The local public need not be surprised to hear at any time that the lower branch of Congress has indorsed the President’s Hawaiian policy. So much may be predicated of its partisanship and its desire to let the Executive down easily. The meaning of such action, if it has been or should be taken, would fall very short of doing any harm to the Provisional Government. So far as it has developed, the Cleveland policy is of the pleading and admonitory type towards Hawaii and to indorse that would be, so far as the government of these islands is concerned, a harmless proceeding, “intended,” as a former Congressman would have put it, “for Buncombe County only.”

was a day of days—complete success of the first celebration—league flag raising—military parade—reception—meeting—decorations—fireworks.

The celebration programme was carried through with a dash. There was no variations from the proceedings as announced in advance. The weather was absolutely perfect. The feeling was enthusiastic. So far as could be observed, none held aloof from the occasion. It seemed that nearly everybody in the city was heart and soul in the observance of the first regular “Fourth of July” for Hawaii. A little coterie, which wandered about in holiday attire, attempted to wet-blanket the affair, but found its mission the saddest sort of a failure and was actually compelled to become an indistinguishable part of the gala gathering. During the evening of the 16th and on the morning of the 17th this worthy contingent circulated rumors designed to frighten people. The scare scheme miscarried completely. Even the roundabout threat of a dynamite explosion at the speaker’s stand had not the least effect. There was no brooking the tide of patriotism; it was universal and resistless. The sentiments of freedom and independence pervaded and governed everywhere. Vent was given to the spirit of the day by actions indorsing fully the Provisional Government and reaffirming the principles which actuated the overthrow of monarchy.

The events of the day were the flag-raising by the American League, the battalion drill and review of troops, the reception by President Dole and Mrs. Dole, the great mass meeting, and the display of fireworks.

the flag-raising.

At 8 o’clock an immense crowd had gathered at the corner of Nuuanu and King to witness the hoisting of a 60 by 30 American flag on a 120-foot pole. The band was in attendance, and rendered such patriotic airs as “Star-Spangled Banner,” “Marching through Georgia,” “Rally Round the Flag.” A great cheer went up from the throng that congested two streets as the flag was hauled aloft. R. H. Sampson, who served in the civil war as first lieutenant of Company G, First Massachusetts Cavalry, cracked a bottle of champagne and christened the flag “General Dix.” Three cheers were then proposed and given with a will. Twenty-one giant bombs, furnished by John Egan, were set off as a salute. Each explosion brought cheers. Gen. Dix, of New York, is the man who said, “If any man hauls down the American flag, shoot him on the spot.” This was the feeling throughout the concourse of liberty-loving people. As the flag gracefully swung to the breeze, winding itself like a thing of life, and as the band sent into the air the glorious music so dear to Americans the world over, eyes moistened, and men with the G. A. R. button, and men and women who are with them, said: “It would not go well with the one who molested that flag.” It was a pretty, impressive scene, really inspiring, conjuring to the surface all that is best in the man. For some time a crowd lingered about, and all day the flag was a center of attraction.

review and parade.

The review of the troops attracted about the entire population to Union Square. The band, of which Prof. Berger lately said, “They will either fight or play,” led the column of seven companies fully accoutered. Col. Soper delivered a few commands, and then Lieut. Col. Fisher put the battalion through a series of intricate maneuvers, concluding with the manual of arms, Every movement was executed with the precision and finish noticeable in veteran regulars in the United Stages. The troops have profited by their training at the hands of capable tacticians. All are proud of the military branch of the Government. The officers at the head of the companies were Capts. Good, Camara, Lieut. Asch, Capts. Gunn, Ziegler, and Wilder.

The line of march was up Punchbowl street to Beretania, thence to Fort, to King, to Nuuanu, and back to the garrison on King. The streets were almost impassable during the parade, thousands lining the sidewalks.

At the headquarters of the American League the celebrants once more centered. The grand flag raised in the morning was given by the Provisional Government and the assembled multitude that cordial salute denied it from a certain quarter. “The Star Spangled Banner” was again heard, and cheer after cheer almost rent the air. Each succeeding explosion of patriotism was more hearty than the one before.

state reception.

The council hall and, in fact, the entire executive building and grounds, had been decorated for the reception by President and Mrs. Dole between the hours of 11 and 12. Carpets were laid in the great hallways and in the legislative chamber. There were flowers everywhere. Paper lanterns were pendent from trees and festooned about the place. There was an entire absence of ceremony and formality. All were welcomed, and after being received the guests scattered about and a social, free from restraint, lasted a couple of hours. The President was attended by his staff officers, Col. Soper, Lieut. Col. Fisher, and Majs. McLeod and Potter. The latter presented the guests. In the immediate receiving party were President Dole and wife, the cabinet members and their ladies, and the judges of the supreme and circuit courts with their ladies. Mrs. Dole was assisted by Mrs. C. L. Carter, Mrs. Iaukea, and the Misses Hopper, Lowry, Park, Perry, Yon Holt, Mossman, Gillman, Judd, Wing, Forbes, Jones, Hartwell, Mott-Smith, Wilder, Young, Glade, Atkinson, Paty, McGrew, Hassenger, Sorenson, Hatch, Tyler, Afong, and Howland. Ball dresses were not shown, but many exquisite costumes were worn. The callers numbered about 750. Over 250 registered. Many natives called, one with an immense bouquet for the President. The German consul was present, and a number of officers from the American men-of-war attended in civilian dress. The book for names was in an out-of-the-way place, and there was such a crush during the first half of the hour that comparatively few placed their names. During the reception the band played on the veranda.

At noon the national salute of 21 guns was fired in short order by a detail from the artillery company.

illuminations.

It was agreed on all sides that Honolulu was never before so brilliantly illuminated as last night. Further, it was asserted freely that never before had so many people appeared on the streets in the evening. The committee on decorations was extensively assisted by the military companies, the fire companies, business men, and citizens generally. There were flags everywhere. Such buildings as the headquarters of the Annexation Club, the American League, and the lire houses were resplendent in bunting and paper lanterns. Across Union Lane from No. 2 fire house the word “Annexation” in evergreen letters three feet high greeted all. At Union Square a pole in the center bore lines of merchantmen signals in four directions. The speakers’ stand was literally covered with bunting, with the word “Aloha” in big red letters with a white background in the crowning piece. Some of the best artistic effects were produced at the Judiciary building, where lines of light made a pleasing whole.

An enormous amount of labor was expended on the Executive building and grounds. The illumination began at the pinnacle of the flagstaff, and the brilliancy increased and broadened to the limits of the great square, rich in tropical trees and shrubs and flowers. Above 1,000 waxen candles were used here, and nearly as many incandescent electric lights were placed through the efforts of Mr. Cassidy and his well-organized corps of wiremen. There was a line of incandescents inclosed with Japanese and Chinese lanterns extending from the corner of Richards and King a square up King. A couple of miles of light found place in front of and above the Executive building. Several sketches were made of the illuminations. A trip around the city developed many private residences appropriately decorated.

The fireworks, which were used lavishly, consisted of rockets, roman candles, and crackers and bombs. These were set off on the grounds of the Executive and Judiciary buildings, and the displays were greatly admired. The decoration of the Government buildings was the offering of the soldiers themselves, and were highly creditable in every way.

evening parade.

The evening demonstration, abandoned by the general arrangement committee, was taken up by the enthusiastic Portuguese contingent and most successfully carried out. These patriotic citizens came down from the slopes of Punchbowl about 300 strong, just in time for the speechmaking. Their own band led the procession and played unusually well. The marchers bore torches and transparancies. The sentiment first shown was “Progresso, uniao, liberedado.” Other inscriptions were: “Lily, make room for your anti,” “Liberty or death,” “America is our goal,” “No monarchy in ours,” “Liberty and union,” “P. G., and Portuguese,” “We’re the 400.” At the end of the column was a fireworks wagon, which left a trail of explosives and colored lights.

mass meeting.

The attendance at the mass meeting was variously estimated at from 7,000 to 10,000. It included throngs of natives, and the seats reserved for ladies were all occupied. Enthusiasm was unbounded, the speakers being constantly interrupted by cheering and marks of approval. The proceedings were enlivened by the discharge of fireworks at intervals, and music from the band. A spontaneous outburst was given of three cheers for President Dole.

Hon. J. B. Atherton was chairman. In a brief address he spoke of the meeting of November 28 to protest against the action of Mr. Cleveland. The opinions they expressed are fixed. The year just ended had been one of trial. The Provisional Government administered and sustained by the most trustworthy men of Hawaii has stood firm and it is now, with strength, means, and backing, on a solid footing. It will live and prosper until admitted into the great American Union.

Collector-General J. B. Castle said: There was but little to be added to what had already been uttered. What was to be said should be heard in no uncertain tones. It should be such expression as would reverberate through the ages of the Hawaiian future and live as a legacy to our children. A year ago there was struck a blow which drove the last nail into the coffin of monarchy. Those associated in the Government had been steadfast and faithful. They believed their hopes would witness fruition before the year 1897. “All roads lead to Rome,” was an ancient and significant saying. Our watchword is “All roads lead to Washington.” We believe Hawaii will come into the Union. We have here a Government that is sound and strong, and in which the people have confidence. He was certain it was satisfactory, and it, or its immediate successors, were good enough for those who desired annexation.

There have been objections to the celebration of this day. Comments tinged with disapproval have emanated in some instances from our own ranks. The day was a most memorable one and the speaker would be in favor of making it a holiday for all time. Those who thought otherwise were either imbued with lack of confidence or even cowardice. It was a day worthy of celebration for many reasons. For one thing, it commemorated the unsuccessful seizure of the islands nearly one hundred years ago by the English, who were forced to restore them by the action of Napoleon. The 17th was the birthday anniversary of Kamehameha III, the King who desired the annexation of the islands to the United States.

Said Judge Hartwell: “Wherever is found a community enjoying possession of higher sentiments, there is civil liberty. The day of kings is past but the rule of law is never ending.” Judge Hartwell entered upon a legal analysis of the Hawaiian Government. “Until the advent of Kalakaua there had been no actual constitutional government. For the first time, then, a monarch was sworn to enforce and observe a constitution; for the first time absolute kingly authority was abolished. In Liliuokalani the country found a sovereign who disregarded and ignored the constitution. What did the English do when their King John rebelled? They forced him at Runnymede to obligate himself by signing Magna Charta. On the 17th of January, 1893, the monarch of this country abrogated constitutional government by violating and defying the constitution. From that instant Hawaiian constitutional government ceased to exist. The proceeding that followed was a conservative and legitimate one. Citizens took upon themselves the functions of government. The ultimate end sought is annexation to the United States. The Government is protecting citizens and property and quietly and fairly conducting the affairs of state. We have a stable government. That is the only Government, and it will continue to be the recognized, honored, and efficient power on the islands.

President of Punahou College, Prof. F. A. Hosmer, said that Prince Bismarck, at a banquet, offered a toast to the fatherland Great Britain and the Republic of the West. The French and Portuguese governments further afford fine examples of republican forms of government. Out here on an island on the mid-Pacific, people with the incentive of patriotism have been brave enough to resist absolution. Prof. Alexander’s history is authority for the notorious fact that Hawaii has not for twenty years had a stable government. We have it now and we will have annexation. Their inventors will cease to be backward. Every man here will have an opportunity. The islands are rich in material resources. We have Pearl locks and other grand harbors. There is prosperity in store for all. We have been extremely fortunate in having men here who have accepted public office as a public trust. They are able and self-sacrificing gentlemen, worthy of our trust and confidence, and entitled to our support.

H. T. Waterhouse made a few timely and effective remarks in the native tongue. The effort was received with every mark of cordiality and favor. This translation was furnished by Rev. Sereno Bishop: [Pointing to the motto “Aloha.”] “That is our foundation, to live in love to each other. The light has broken upon us; we have lived in darkness—let us now embrace the light. The doors of the former palace were open to-day for the poor and needy to enter, and that movement will enlarge the opportunities of the poor. Then go forward and secure liberty and prosperity.

Attorney-General W. O. Smith said, in speaking for the Government, that if any one feeling should animate our hearts it should be a union of gratitude and pride. I am proud of the conduct of the people and of their support of the Government. The natives, many of them, not clearly understanding the situation, have evinced confidence in us. Their behavior merits the greatest commendation. The Government has had to contend with many difficulties; the people have been patient; there has been no exercise of the ballot; self-interest has been subordinated to public interest; men have been brave, courageous, and forbearing. It has been no easy task to act as wet nurse to an infant. The child has had the measles and the colic, and it has even been threatened with a spanking; but it is now a lusty little one, able to walk. We are working for one great destiny—stability of government. We will secure it in annexation. Let there be a continuance of the noble subordination of self-interests, and we shall march on to victory.

Judge Robertson said he was thankful for the opportunity to lift his voice as an Annexationist. He was in the United States when the Queen committed her fatal error. He recognized the effects of the happenings when accounts were wired across the continent. He knew that the sentiments which were then uppermost were the same sentiments which forced Kalakaua to dismount his high horse in 1881 and drew Bob Wilcox from his gasoline tank in 1889. He had been amused at the complaint of an English man of war’s man upon being called a boy. “Old men for council, young men for war.” The services of the “boys” were in demand a few weeks ago when it looked as if “our great and good friend” Grover Cleveland, would force us to fight. He was with the boys. The speaker had not been an ardent Annexationist until about one year ago. Having been born here he was proud of the autonomy of Hawaii. Now he was convinced that a higher state of citizenship would be the possession of all who went into the American Union with Hawaii. As Robert Lincoln said, every man is the equal of every other man in the United States. Some of the Royalists are saying that Lilioukalani will be given back her throne. There was no such thing as her throne. She had forfeited it when she abolished constitutional government.

Walter G. Smith said the 17th day of January was a date of note in the political history of the world. On that day in 1792 the people of France condemned a despotic king to death and gained that liberty which, from the dream of the philosopher, had become the possession of the subject. That day marked the inauguration of the republican movement in Europe. It dispelled the belief that a country without a king or a church without a bishop meant chaos and infidelity. The events of that January day had brought men to their senses. They saw that the attributed divinity of a monarch was but the figment of their inherited fears and superstitions. The feudal principle then received a wound that defied all surgery. A century after that day in France came a day in Hawaii when the last independent sovereign on the Western Hemisphere lost her throne and the last recognized dynasty on this side of the globe was expunged from the calendar of princes. Then the 17th of January gained the right to be known as one of the world’s democratic holidays. Let it approve the fact that it is a sign set eternal in the heavens of history that kings and queens and potentates shall be no more and that the reign of the people has begun. There is nothing more inspiring in the annals of 1776 than the unwavering front this people preserved in their great emergency.

On one side was the chief of 60,000,000, here an armed body of a paltry thousand; there was the greatest of modern powers with its armies and fleets, here a few lone rocks in the ocean without a fort upon their pinnacles or a gun upon a deck; there was a government whose President declared that our dethroned queen should reign again; there was a little band of men who said that she must pass over their dead bodies first. In our harbor was the broadside of a possible foe, here on shore was a battalion, behind its sandbags. The odds were great, but the patriots of Hawaii took them. If the American people had not intervened there might have been a new Thermopylae. While we look back with pride we must look forward with courage. There are grave problems yet to solve. We have an antagonistic element at home and a negative moneyed influence abroad conspiring for control. Our enemies are powerful and insidious. They are united to defeat the objects of the January revolution. It is for us to remain steadfast to those objects no matter how they may be assailed. This is our highest duty.

There is but one political goal and watchword for us all, and that is annexation. If this is delayed, and we are left to work out our own salvation, the best thing is to work it out on the American plan by the exercise of Anglo-Saxon pluck, and leave the rest to the Ruler of all nations. Perhaps Providence may have a great political, work for this little island community to perform. Perhaps its destiny is to work out a parallel to Greece, to Switzerland, to Haiti. On rocky shores, among fishermen and the poor, occurred events which, after nineteen centuries, sway and control the world. In closing, Mir. Smith said: “Standing here upon ground once consecrated to the pomp of monarchy, face to face with the deroyalized house of Government, knowing no flag so dear as the Stars and Stripes, we appeal to our countrymen to open their gates to us of kindred blood; but we pledge ourselves, if that can not be, to at least be worthy of the service by the work we shall do on this soil for the glory of American principles.”

The crowd lingered about the square for an hour after the mass meeting closed, viewing the fireworks and illuminations.

notes of the day.

Mr. Emmeluth fired a salute at his residence early in the morning.

There was a large crowd at Thomas Square in the afternoon to hear the concert.

The judiciary building was decorated by Company F, and the executive building by Company E.

The crowds were very orderly throughout the day and evening. Not a single disturbance occurred.

The Antiques and Horribles made up an interesting circus and especially pleased the young folks. The award of prizes was just and entirely satisfactory. Bonfires lit up the evening in Ewa.

Corporal Kelby, E Company, had a hand severely injured by a premature explosion of fireworks on the tower of the executive building. He is in the hospital.

A private of E Company made a bomb with a piece of gas pipe. The metal was blown to fragments on the executive building front. Five panes of glass were shattered and some stucco work loosened. The man was only slightly bruised.

a good word for mr. willis.

The excitement attending the arrival and departure of the Corwin having subsided, we hope that our citizens will be fair and just toward Mr. Willis. His position is not one of his own creation. It was made by his master. He did not seek trouble but was ordered to make it. The sins of the principals are often visited upon the heads of the agents. If his temper has not been altogether lovely in making his answers to questions regarding his use of force in restoring the ex-Queen, it must be remembered that he was instructed to perform a difficult job. “Don’t use force, but don’t let them know that you won’t use it.” A nobleman said to the artist who was about to paint his portrait: “In painting my portrait paint that of my valet standing behind me, but so that he can not be seen.” Instructions are often difficult to execute.

Mr. Willis knows, for he must read some books, that in no modern time has an envoy been sent to express good will toward a government, and at the same time ordered peremptorily to compass, instigate, and procure the destruction of that government. He knows, furthermore, that he never would have been ordered to do so if we had numbered fifty millions of people; that the “high sense of justice” which inspired his instructions was accompanied with an equally high and lively sense of superior strength. Mr. Willis is not responsible for all this. If he stands out in diplomatic history as one of the parties to a queer and novel diplomatic escapade, he must thank his principal for it. His character and ours, as good Christians, are to be tested in the future. It may occur to him that a Christian spirit are not incompatible with true statesmanship. Still, he may feel like the darkey preacher who made this reply to an inquiry: “I reckons I’se broke all de Commandments, but tank de Lord I keeps my religion,” and while he may cultivate for private use that which is the greatest of all, charity, he may feel that his public mission here will be to “get even” with us poor Hawaiian worms of the dust. The mothers in Honolulu, who, after the arrival of the Corwin, bent over their babes in prayer anxiously inquiring if the guns of the Philadelphia and Adams were shotted for them, gratefully thank him that he ordered the death angel to touch but not to rest on their pillows. It is now in order that we cultivate charity and forgiveness.