Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, With the Annual Message of the President, Transmitted to Congress, December 4, 1893
Mr. Terrell to Mr. Gresham.
Constantinople, October 27, 1893. (Received November 11.)
Sir: I inclose copies of two letters recently received from the Rev. E. W. McDowell, who has charge, I believe, of the missionary school at Mosul.
These letters, like others which I did not think proper to forward, are chiefly remarkable for their failure to disclose any legal evidence that will fix guilt for the offense of assaulting Miss Melton on any particular individual.
I have secured the arrest of the officials in Amadia, their removal, with that of all witnesses, to Mosul, four days’ journey, the appointment of a new governor sent from this city with instructions to “punish the guilty,” and still, when the parties complaining do not know who the guilty parties are, I can not indulge much hope that punishment will be inflicted.
In this connection I may with propriety state that the instances in which a Turk has been punished under judicial process, except by imprisonment, for killing a Christian are extremely rare, even when the proof of malice is positive.
I have, etc.,
Mr. McDowell to Mr. Terrell.
Dear Sir: I beg leave to inform you that I brought my family back to Mosul last week. Miss Melton returned a few days before.
Your letter of September 5 I found waiting me here. In behalf of ourselves I thank you most cordially for the warm interest you manifest for us and our work and also for your valuable services in our behalf.
I already testified to their value to us and our appreciation of them, but I have reason to fear that the letter with perhaps others has been lost.
I think it is not too much to say that your prompt action by which Mosul soldiers were sent out so quickly to our relief saved us from a much greater disaster.
Our own observations and personal testimony of residents of Amadia go to show that our expulsion from the place had been determined upon before we came. The attack upon Miss Melton was for that purpose. Had we not gone and had no notice been taken of the assault, something more serious would have been done. As it was, for a few days before the soldiers appeared, the situation had grown critical. People were becoming more and more insolent, and the government not only more indifferent but hostile.
Personally I feel that I owe you very much when I think of what might have happened to my wife and little ones.
I perhaps ought to explain that at the time of the occurrence I was not sure that you had arrived in Constantinople; and knowing, too, how slowly this Government [Page 696] responds as a rule, I thought best, in view of the seriousness of the case, to write to our hoard at New York asking them to inform our home Government of the facts to secure some action.
I regret any departure on our part from the proper method of procedure which our recent experience shows to have been necessary.
Your position, I am aware, is a difficult one, and no doubt is often complicated by the imprudence of others. I think our policy here agrees with the suggestions you make, and I shall endeavor to adhere closely to it.
We take special pains to teach not only submission to the Government in general, but teach and persuade to honest dealing with the Government as regards taxes. As you may be aware, it is common in this country for the people to give false returns to the Government in general as to the numbers of their sheep or persons in their household or to reduce their taxes by bribing a local officer.
We not only teach that this is wrong, but persuade them to give true returns and to avoid bribing. Many of our people—increasingly more every day—follow this rule, although it greatly increases their taxes and Protestants are acquiring accordingly a reputation for honesty above that of other sects.
There are two factors which enter into our relations with the people and Government, a knowledge of which will, I think, be of assistance to you in understanding our situation.
The first is the relation between our mountain Syrians and their Koordish neighbors. For centuries the Christian tribes, with a few exceptions, have been subject to the Koords in some places, their condition being practically that of slavery. To-day there are places in the mountains where Syrians are bought and sold. These oppressions have been increasing of late years. Formerly they were under one or two aghas, who, while they took from them, protected them from the lesser ones, and left enough for their own substance. Since the entrance of the General Government here the power of the great aghas has been broken, and any great man is free to take what he can from his weaker neighbor. Our presence and work in the mountains tend to check this, and the revenue of many influential Koords is being lessened thereby. You can readily see that, try as we may to create and foster friendship with these men, unless we in some way make good this loss we can not but meet with hostility in some quarters; combined with this is race and religious prejudice which materially opposes any elevation of the subject race.
A wholesome fear of our Government is the only effective prevention to manifestations of this hostility, and knowing the Koords as I do, and their attitude toward ns since the Amadians have been imprisoned, bear me out in the opinion. I am sure that the punishment of Miss Melton’s assailants is going to have great influence in not only preventing acts of violence but in inducing the friendship of many of the more influential Koords, which will assure our safety within the circle of their influence.
I have recently received overtures for friendship from a powerful agha with the voluntary promise that he would protect the Christians in his territory.
Of course there is a danger here for both the missionary and the people, i. e., Christians, in the abuse of such influence, which we shall try to guard against.
I have, etc.,
Mr. McDowell to Mr. Terrell.
Dear Sir: Before I left Amadia, about two weeks ago, such discouraging reports reached us of our case here to the effect that a heavy bribe had been given to the vali, who had assigned the prisoners comfortable quarters and would release them on the receipt of a certain fine horse, I verified the facts that the vali’s private agent was visiting the friends of the accused in the neighborhood of Amadia; that the horse in question had been sent to Mosul, and that the prisoners had been removed to comfortable quarters as I understand, not in the jail proper.
I wrote you the facts so far as I know them and I had a telegram sent from Mosul. An answer came back on the following day showing, it seems to me, conclusively the desire of the government of Stamboul to meet your desires in the case. It was strongly worded and probably prevented their release.
I also wrote you that the brothers of three of the prisoners, together with two of their servants, tried to induce a certain Syrian by means of bribes and threats to confess that he, together with two other Syrians and some Koords, had done the [Page 697] deed. He refused and went to his village, whither they followed him. Fearing that they were going to kill him, as they had threatened, he tied to me for protection, informing me of their proposals. My servants can testify that they tried twice to get him out of my premises. The young man made affidavit of the same before the government in Amadia, and the parties were arrested but released at once on bail. I have brought the young man to Mosul and protect him.
On my arrival in Mosul I called upon the vali, but the interview was very unsatisfactory, so much so that I thought best to telegraph you, which I did Monday, the 2d instant, as follows:
“Vali says he has been removed and has turned our business over to the kaimakan. Our case is very, very cold. No further arrests have been made, and those under arrest say they will be released. This delay is unnecessary and dangerous. Have written particulars. We are in Mosul. Answer telegram received.”
The circumstances which seemed to call for such action are as follows:
The vali on three different occasions assured me that he had sent orders to the kaimakan for the arrest of other parties thought to be concerned. The kaimakan stoutly denied having any such orders.
Indications that the vali had taken a bribe. While here in August the vali’s private servant informed my agent that he, the servant, had been offered a large bribe by those men and that he had refused it. In Amadia a few weeks ago the friends of the prisoners became quite jubilant. Through a Koord I learned that the prisoners had sent them word that they had succeeded in “fixing the vali;” that they had given him a certain sum of money received of Rescind Bey, mira of Bermer, and that all that was lacking was a certain fine horse owned by a brother-in-law of one of the prisoners; that already they had been removed to comfortable quarters, where they were allowed to receive their friends, and that on the receipt of the horse they would be free. Their friends spread the report that they were coming, and would collect all the money they had spent from the people, meaning Syrians.
I verified the fact that the vali’s man had gone to Rescind Bey and to the sheick of Banmer, both close friends of the prisoners, and that the horse in question had gone to Mosul; also that the prisoners were given comfortable quarters, etc.
In my interviews with the vali I alluded to the reports circulated by the men in Amadia. He denied having taken any bribe or having any intention of releasing the prisoners. He on one occasion acknowledged that he had taken something from them for the favor of giving them more comfortable quarters. He explained the presence of his man with Rescind Bey by saying he had sent him to have Rescind Bey, who is a mira, arrest certain parties against whom the prisoners had made information as being the guilty parties. “Why had he not sent to the kaimakan?” “Because the prisoners said if he should send to the kaimakan the men would hear of it and flee.” In explanation as to the horse he said he had bought the horse and paid £35 for it. I was told in Amadia that the horse was valued at £100. The family is very wealthy and it is not improbable that they should own such a horse. But I have the word of only a few men as to the price. It is probably exaggerated some. But the fact remains acknowledged by the vali tome that he bought that horse from the brother-in-law of one of the prisoners. This with the other circumstances is sufficient to make it probable that he received something through the transaction even if he did pay £35, and this is doubtful.
In reference to the business with Reschid Bey, the prisoners gave the names of two Koords as the guilty parties. How they knew or why they had not given the information sooner does not appear. They asked that the arrest be made through the mira i. e., Reschid Bey, instead of through the kaimakan. Reschid Bey reports that the men have fled into Tiary, a tribe of wild and independent Syrians, where a force of five hundred men could not arrest them.
As I wrote you once before, a soldier gave testimony which threw the blame upon certain other Koords (who were out of reach), and exculpated the Amadians. When examined by the kaimakan he acknowledged before witnesses that he had been bribed by these men (the prisoners) to give this testimony. Besides his confession I have indirect confirmatory evidence. I have just told you of the more recent attempt to suborn another witness and of the arrest of the parties concerned.
This, in the light of all the circumstances, looks to me like a similar attempt.
Another bad symptom is that the vali seems utterly indifferent and says that he has nothing more to do with it, that he has turned the business over to the kaimakan.
He also intimated that the prisoners might be released on bail, but that if they were it was the business of the kaimakan.
In reference to this miglis we very much fear that the majority of its members have been “fixed” by the prisoners.
The members of this miglis are the Coyzer, the Mudir, Ulamum, and others.
In Amadia it was the general report that this miglis were espousing the cause of these men, having been given bribes.
[Page 698]In August, when I was here, the vali complained to me about this miglis that they were hindering him in this case. He said plainly some of them had been bribed and that their purpose was to demand that the case be submitted to them, which is the ordinary method of procedure, in which case the accusers of those under arrest would be called upon to give proof to substantiate their charges in failure of which, (which with them would be a foregone conclusion), the prisoners would go free, and if the law should be carried out we would be responsible for all the expenses incurred by the defendants and damages.
This information reached me not only through the vali—who as you know forwarded positive proof of the corruption of some of the miglis and secured the removal of the mudir ulamun—but also through a prominent mussulman who was in a position to know. Now that the vali has surrendered to them their conduct has been such as to confirm the above suspicions.
A few days before my return the government sent a blank to Miss Melton asking her to sign her name to it. Not knowing what it was she refused. She was pressed to sign it and was told that the Government in Stamboul was anxious about her and had sent an inquiry asking as to her whereabouts; this paper was simply a statement to this effect, etc. She again refused, but on being urged somewhat impatiently and, I am sorry to say, the paper being presented by our own agent, who had been either hoodwinked or corrupted, and vouched for by him, she wrote on it, “I am at present in Mosul, September 23, 1893.”
Immediately on my arrival at Mosul, a zaptieh, who had been sent by the vali as escort to Mosul, on receiving his peskesh from me, handed me a slip of paper and asked me to sign it. I asked him what it was. He mumbled something about my safety, as I understood it a voucher that we had reached Mosul safely, thus releasing the Government or him from responsibility. I refused to sign it, not knowing clearly what it was. He insisted quite strongly, making remarks the purport of which was that it was only a small matter. I put it in my pocket, telling him I would read it first.
Miss Melton then told me of her paper. My suspicions were roused and I had them read. They were both summonses before the Government to appear on a certain day and hour against the men under arrest, charging us that in case of failure to do so we would be taken by force and tine, etc., inflicted. The paper was presented to Miss Melton several days after the date set in the summons, until it was presented to me more than a week after.
Later on the same day an official presented himself and again demanded that I sign that paper. I positively refused to do so. The next day as I entered the courtyard of the Government building on my way to the vali’s the paper was again presented to me with still more persistence. Later I learned that the mudir ulamuni (who was supposed to have been removed) went to the vali and complained against me for not signing it.
I called the attention of the vali to the matter and asked him why he had sent such a paper to Miss Melton. He at first denied it very shortly. But my agent who was present reminded him that he had given it to him for Miss Melton. “So, I did,” he said, “but it was given to me by the makmuna.” He assured me it was only a form and that they had no intention of bringing her before the court; that they would send an officer to her to take her testimony, etc. I informed him that as American subjects such processes could not be served upon us in that way. He replied that they could be and that it was common in Stamboul. I send you a duplicate of the paper signed by Miss Melton. Their design is not difficult to see.
I have not yet signed the paper and shall not do so.
Again a few days since we were informed by a friend who is in the government that the makmuna were going to bring up our case, and that the brother of the patriarch had been made mustontok pro tempore for the occasion. The official mustontok is here, but for some reason the brother of the patriarch answers their purpose better.
This morning the brother of the patriarch called, accompanied by a scribe. He said he wished to get what information Miss Melton could give that they might see if those under arrest were the guilty parties or if they should seek for others.
We refused to accept him as the proper official. He said he was a member of the miglis and had been appointed to take her testimony, because it was contrary to custom for the mustontok to take testimony except in the regular place.
There ensued considerable talk, and he went away dissatisfied. I informed him that I would call personally on the cazza asd talk the matter over with him.
While I have no positive proof, I am perfectly satisfied that the cazza has been bribed.
In reference to the mudir ulainan, both the vali and mustontok (pro tempore) say he has been relieved from duty in this case, and that some one else has been appointed in his place. It is evident that he is still active, as he sent the summons to me and complained against me to the, vali for not signing it.
[Page 699]Another circumstance in which you will he personally interested. Your letter, written September 5, was opened before it reached me. I inclose you the envelope. You will see that it was done by hand.
I took it to the chief of postal service, who denied all knowledge of it and insolently suggested that it was done by my servant or by myself. And again said perhaps it was done in Staniboul, “as they open suspicious letters there.”
The letter, along with the rest of our mail, was taken out of the office by a young man of our congregation—a Saotze. The family is known by the missionaries in Constantinople, in whom we have absolute confidence, and who could have no reason whatever for opening the letter.
He gave the mail to Miss Melton’s servant, who brought it to her. He, too, is of such a character that there could be no reason for his doing so.
The letter was taken from the office the 26th, twenty-one days after date of letter. It is just possible that the letter lay in the office a week.
I am under the impression, too, that all my letters to you have not reached you. At the beginning of the case I wrote you almost weekly.
Some of our letters to mudir were on the road a long time, and one letter, if not more, failed to reach its destination.
Most, if not all, my letters to you were registered. I shall look up the receipts.
Five other arrests have just been made and the men are here in Mosul. They are the brothers of those of the prisoners and two of their servants. The arrest was made not on the main charge, but on the effort to suborn witnesses, as I have related.
I called on the cazza to-day, 6th. He assures me that they are acting in a legal way and wish to apprehend the guilty parties. In spite of his protestations the circumstances are such, I am sure you will agree with me, as to give us good ground, for suspicion that all is not right, and that in some way they propose to defeat the ends of justice.
I am, etc.,