Mr. Wharton to Mr. Newberry.

No. 135.]

Sir: I inclose for your information a copy of a report made to the Navy Department by Rear Admiral Belknap, commanding the Asiatic Station, in relation to the recent troubles in the Caroline Islands. This report bears date the 12th of December last, and incloses two reports [Page 443] from Commander H. C. Taylor, of the U. S. S. Alliance, who was sent to the islands to make an investigation and to render such assistance to the American citizens there resident as they might be found to require. The first of Commander Taylor’s report is dated at Ponape, October 31, 1890; the second at Nagasaki, Japan, December 4, 1890, after his return from the islands.

With these reports I also inclose a copy of a letter, of the 8th January last, from the Rev. Judson Smith, foreign secretary of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, inclosing statements as to recent events in the Carolines from the missionaries connected with that board.

I regret to say that this is the second time that the Government of the United States has been compelled to consider the disturbance and the infringement of the rights and privileges of its citizens in the Caroline Islands in the brief period since the Spanish Government assumed the duty of establishing a government there in the year 1886. On the 16th of February, 1886, Mr. Valera, then Spanish minister at this capital, communicated to this Department a copy of the Official Gazette, of Madrid, containing the text of a protocol concluded between Spain and Germany by the mediation of His Holiness the Pope Leo XIII, for the recognition of Spam’s sovereignty over the Caroline and Pelew Islands. Acknowledging the receipt of this communication on March 2, 1886, the Secretary of State said:

As your Government is aware, the citizens of the United States have been actively engaged in disseminating information among the inhabitants of that quarter, with a view to their prosperity, and it is not presumed that their treatment under the rule of Spain, which this arrangement recognizes and confirms as between Germany and Spain, and which has never been contested by the United States, will be any less favorable than that of Germans or other foreigners commorant therein.

To this note reply was made on the 4th of May, 1886, by Mr. Muruaga, Mr. Valera’s successor, in a communication in which it was stated that Her Majesty, the Queen Regent, in conformity with the resolution of Her Ministers in Council, had directed this Government to be informed that the treatment which American citizens were to receive in the islands would not be less favorable than that accorded to Germans or other foreigners.

The rights of German subjects in the islands are defined in a protocol between Spain and Germany, signed at Rome December 17, 1885. I will not now enumerate the various privileges secured by them by that instrument. It suffices to say that they were guaranteed the fnllest rights of person and property. “All their acquired rights,” says that protocol, “shall be safeguarded.”

The note of the Secretary of State of March 2, 1886, was not, however, the first, but the second official communication of the Government of the United States to the Government of Spain, which touched the interests of American citizens in the Caroline Islands. These interests were formally brought to the notice of the Spanish Government by the chargé d’affaires of the United States on the 22d of the preceding September, in pursuance of instructions of the 7th of that month. In the communication then made, the chargé d’affaires of the United States referred to the work which our missionaries had for many years been carrying on; to their efforts to Christianize and civilize the people; to the churches and schools they had founded at various points; and to the fact that they had rescued many native tribes from the state of barbarism in which they found them, and taught them to lead peaceable and orderly lives.

[Page 444]

On the 15th of the ensuing month of October, the minister of state gave to our chargé d’affaires the amplest assurances that the American missionaries would not be molested. These assurances were repeated on March 12, 1886, when Mr. Valera transmitted to this Department a copy of a dispatch from his Government, in which, with reference to the representations made by the chargé d’affaires of the United States on September 22, 1885, there is the following passage:

The minister of state, on the 15th of October following, informed the United States legation that nothing was farther from the intention of the Spanish Government than to seek to hamper or embarrass in the slightest degree the work of Christianizing and teaching, to which the chargé d’affaires had referred; it being determined, on the contrary, to favor and promote such beneficient results to the extent of its ability. The minister added, in conclusion, that he had performed a pleasing duty in making that satisfactory and affirmative reply to all the points contained in the note of the United States legation, in order that through it that reply might be brought to the notice of the Government of the Union. I have consequently thought proper to transmit the aforesaid notes to the minister of the colonies, and I do so this day, to the end that he may consider them at the present time, when he is engaged in reorganizing the government of these islands.

Notwithstanding these explicit assurances, the course of the Spanish officials from the moment they assumed the government of the islands, has been characterized by the acts of unfriendliness and persecution towards the American missionaries. At the outset they closed all the schools but one. One of the missionaries was forbidden to preach. Services at some of the churches were suppressed and lands granted to the missions years before, by native chiefs, were encroached upon and seized. These facts were communicated to the Spanish Government by the chargé d’affaires of United States under instructions of this Department on September 17, 1887. As stated in that note, the hostile acts of the Spanish authorities culminated in the arrest of Mr. E. T. Doane, a venerable American missionary of almost seventy years of age, who had devoted his life to the instruction and enlightenment of the natives of the islands. The ostensible reason for his arrest was a letter addressed by him to the governor protesting against the seizure of certain lands belonging to the mission. This protest was not made until entreaty and appeal had failed, but as he made use of the term “arbitrary,” to describe the conduct of the officials, the governor, on the 14th of April 1887, issued an order for his arrest, and he was seized and taken on board the Spanish steamer Manila and was kept three days in solitary confinement, when he was sentenced by the governor to fifteen day’s imprisonment for writing the protest. After the expiration of that sentence he was still further detained until he was removed to the Spanish man-of-war, Maria de Molina, and on the 11th day of the following January was taken to Manila, where he was released.

When information was received of this outrage the Government of the United States informed the Government of Spain that, in its opinion, the treatment of Mr. Doane was harsh, unjust, ungenerous, and unjustifiable. It was a clear and complete violation by the subordinate officials of the Spanish Government of the satisfactory and explicit assurances which that Government had given that American citizens in the Caroline Islands should receive fair and just treatment. It was adding one wrong to another, in a manner especially injurious, since it treated a protest against wrong as a crime, and the injured party as a criminal because he protested. I am glad to say that the Spanish Government never undertook to defend the gross misconduct of its officials, but, on the contrary, endeavored in a measure to repair [Page 445] the wrong that had been done by restoring Mr. Doane to the scene of his labors, and by repeating more than once the assurances that the missionaries would be permitted to freely continue their labors, and that their rights of property would be respected.

I have said that the Spanish Government endeavored “in a measure” to repair the wrong done, because, as stated in my No. 72, of March 13, 1890, the response of that Government upon the question of pecuniary indemnity was not regarded as satisfactory. The view taken by the Spanish Government was that our complaint should have been completely satisfied by the disapprobation of the conduct of the governor of the islands, and with Mr. Doane’s restoration to his place or residence, and with the assurance given that the mission could continue its labors, and that all the property legally acquired by it should be respected.

In this relation I desire to direct your attention to Department’s No. 72, of March 13, 1890, which, with reference to the above position, concludes as follows:

In reply to these observations it is proper to state that Mr. Doane’s imprisonment involved not merely a question of personal dignity, but a deprivation of a substantial right, viz: That of personal liberty. It is admitted that the imprisonment and deportation of Mr. Doane were wholly unjustifiable. This being so, it necessarily follows that he was subjected to a wrong for which substantial reparation should be made. The disapprobation of the Spanish Government of the conduct of the Government, and the subsequent restoration of Mr. Doane to his place of residence, were acts due by that Government to its own sense of justice; but they offered no compensation to Mr. Doane for his loss of liberty, as the consequence of his unjust imprisonment.

The spirit of hostility exhibited by the subordinate officials of the Spanish Government towards the American citizens in 1887, has again been displayed in the recent occurrences. The last struggle between the natives and the Spaniards began on the 25th of June, 1890, when some natives who were engaged in constructing a chapel close against a chapel of the American missionaries turned on their Spanish guards and killed them. From this the conflict was rapidly developed, until, it attained extensive proportions.

Into the details of this difficulty it is not the purpose of this Department to enter, although its information on the subject is complete and reliable. It is sufficient to say that the facts reported to the Department show that the conduct of the subordinate Spanish officials betrays a lack of regard for the susceptibilities of the natives, and a disposition to subjugate rather than to conciliate them. When the dispute arose with Germany in respect to the possession of the islands, Spain maintained no government there and could point to no act of modern date that could be considered as the basis of a claim of sovereignty. Her title was purely historical, based upon acts of ancient date, not followed by that actual exercise of control of which other governments may be expected to take notice. It may be true that the claim of Germany was inferior to that of Spain, since the former was not supported even by reminiscences of an historical character. But it is equally true that the natives did not recognize and had not felt the sovereign powers of these governments. The only foreign influence they had known was the quiet, peaceful, and beneficient effort of the American missionaries to educate and civilize them. To this influence they had shown themselves readily susceptible, and it is beyond question that they had become deeply attached to their benefactors. They were also content. They sought neither the protection nor the control of any foreign power; and it was not by reason of any solicitation on the part [Page 446] of the natives that Germany and Spain disputed as to the right to govern them.

In view of these facts it was especially unfortunate that one of the first acts of the Spanish officials in enforcing their Government’s claim to sovereignty of the islands was to oppress and harass, and finally to imprison and deport, a person whom the natives justly regarded as their friend, to whom they have been accustomed to look for instruction, and who happened at the same time to be a citizen of the United States. I refer to Mr. Doane, to whose harsh and unwarranted treatment I have already adverted. It may also be said that the ostensible cause of this ill-usage, the fact that he venturned to remonstrate against injustice, was as unfortunate as the manner of it, and gave good ground for the suspicion that the officials were seeking an excuse for his removal because the natives were attached to him.

During the recent disorders the same spirit of hostility towards the American residents has constantly been exhibited. When the contest began on the 25th of June both Mr. Rand and Mr. Doane, the principal missionaries, were absent from the islands, and two of our citizens, Miss Palmer and Miss Cole, were left in charge of the mission. That they had anything to do with the native uprising is inherently inconceivable, but it is also positively contradicted, not only by their own testimony, but by that of many of the natives, whose statements were obtained by Commander Taylor, Among these statements is one by a native named Edgar, a prisoner of the Spaniards for some months under charges of complicity in the attack of June 25, 1890, who declares that he had previously testified against the missionaries only when threatened with death by the Spanish authorities, if he did not so testify. In reality the uprising exposed not only them, but their pupils and their property, to great danger. Far from endeavoring to incite an armed conflict, it appears that they exerted themselves to pacify the natives and counseled them to avoid resistance to the Spanish rule. Their influence was observable upon those subject to their immediate control. When the attack occurred on June 25, Henry Naupie, a native teacher in charge of the training school connected with the American mission at Qua, who has been charged with hostility to the Spaniards, exposed himself to risk in an effort to save a Spanish soldier, and rescued Father Augustine and his assistant from the violence of the natives by secreting them in one of the American buildings.

Mr. Rand returned to Ponape on the 20th of August, 1890, and at once set about endeavoring to compose the difficulty with the natives under instructions of the Spanish governor, Cadarso. At the same time the governor assured Mr. Rand that the mission buildings at Oua would not be injured, unless the natives took refuge in them and had to be shelled out.

The governor and the natives, however, not being able to agree upon terms for the cessation of hostilities the conflict was renewed. On the 18th of September two Spanish men-of-war and two transports were anchored in Oua harbor and kept up an incessant shelling all that day and during the forenoon of Saturday, the 19th. Soon after noon of the latter day about 300 Spanish soldiers landed, and the natives, after a short resistance, fell back into the bush. After this the Spanish troops burned all the buildings belonging to the American mission, and then went back to their vessels. The evidence in the possession of the Department tends to show that this was a wanton act of destruction, and it is certain that no compensation has been offered to these American [Page 447] citizens for their losses, nor has any satisfactory assurance been given that such compensation will be afforded.

On the 29th of September Miss Fletcher and Miss Palmer, two of the American missionaries, being desirous of leaving the islands were refused permission to do so, and were virtually held as prisoners for several days. On October 11 the governor forbade the missionaries to hold any meetings. Under these circumstances the missionaries, virtually being held as prisoners and being forbidden to hold any meetings, and their property having been destroyed and their lives put in jeopardy, Commander Taylor advised them to leave Ponape for the time being. On the 4th of November Commander Taylor took them on board of the Alliance, and on November 5 landed them on the island of Kusaie.

It thus appears that these American citizens, after having their property destroyed, have virtually been banished from Ponape, chiefly for the reason that, because of their long residence and humane and beneficent conduct there, they have won the attachment of the natives.

From all the Department can learn the present governor, Cadarso, has been much more favorably and justly disposed, both towards the American residents and the natives, than was his predecessor. At the same time the Department is forced to believe that this disposition has not been reflected by his subordinates, and that his mind has been prejudiced against the Americans by those by whom he is surrounded; and in his correspondence with Commander Taylor he displays a spirit of suspicion and enmity towards the American missionaries not in harmony with the assurances heretofore given by his Government.

The Government of the United States, it is proper to say, can take no cognizance of the relations of these missionaries to any sect or church. On the other hand, it has felt a deep interest in their efforts to ameliorate and improve the condition of the natives, and in this interest it has been assured of the sympathy of the Spanish Government. But it can not be forgotten that apart from their associations, and apart from the character of the work in which they are engaged these missionaries are citizens of the United States and entitled to the intervention of this Government for the protection of their persons and their property.

For this reason I can not disguise the grave concern that is felt by this Government, not only at the hostile spirit displayed towards them by the subordinate Spanish officials, but also at the hostile and injurious acts which these officials have committed.

As the Government, prior to the taking possession of these islands by Spain, received most explicit assurances of protection to the persons and property and pursuits of the American citizens in these islands, it can hardly be expected to acquiesce in their being deprived of all these rights and banished from these islands, even if that measure should be deemed by the Spanish officials to be conducive to the complete establishment of their control. The Department has no reason whatever to suppose that such a measure is essential or even expedient for the purpose of subjugating the natives; but, whatever may be the view that those officials take of the matter, this Government can not assent to such a proposition.

You will find in the papers accompanying these instructions a statement of the loss incurred by the missionaries in the destruction of their property at Oua. The amount of this loss is not inconsiderable. The Department is also informed that the Spanish officials have shown discrimination in refusing to recognize the title of our citizens to certain [Page 448] lands which they had derived from the native chiefs. As has already been observed, the expectations of this Government in respect to reparation in the case of Mr. Doane have not been recognized. In all these matters the Government of the United States confidently relies upon the disposition of Spain to make good the losses which have been occasioned by the acts of her subordinate officials in derogation of her engagements to this Government. It is also expected that the Spanish Government, with that high sense of honor for which it is distinguished, will see the propriety of restoring these American citizens without delay to the places of their former abode and of securing to them the exercise of the privileges and pursuits which they enjoyed before the first interruption by the high-handed misconduct of the first Spanish governor, which the Spanish Government has disavowed and condemned.

You are instructed to bring this subject instantly to the attention of the Spanish Government, in the sense of these instructions, and to express the gravity of the situation created by the ruthless disregard of the rights of our citizens.

I am, etc.,

William F. Wharton,
Acting Secretary.
[Inclosure 1 in No. 135.]

Rear-Admiral Belknap to Mr. Tracy.

No. 101.]

The Secretary of the Navy,
Navy Department, Washington, D. C.:

Sir: Referring to my 58 of the 12th September last, I have the honor to report that on the 4th instant Commander Taylor of the Alliance cabled his arrival at Nagasaki from his visit to the Caroline Islands, and, on the same date, I received his No. 30 of the 31st October, sent by a schooner, giving the first intimation of the condition of affairs as he found them upon arrival at Ponape, the capital of the group.

Yesterday afternoon his fuller dispatches and papers were received, which are herewith forwarded to the Department, together with the report received per schooner and a copy of my instructions to him prior to his departure for the islands.

An examination of all the papers submitted discloses the fact that, upon his arrival at Ponape, Commander Taylor found a serious state of affairs existing there, the natives being in armed rebellion against the Spanish authorities and the island under the rigid rule of martial law, that lands which the native chiefs had long ago deeded to the American missionaries had been seized and appropriated to their own use by the Spanish officials, the mission church and the dwellings of the American missionaries at Port Oa, at the northeastern part of the island, burned and the personal property of the missionaries destroyed on the ground of military necessity.

In their operations against the insurgent islanders the Spaniards lost heavily, and Governor Cadarso and his officers, conceiving the idea that the missionaries were not only inciting the natives against Spanish rule, but had suggested to them stragetic plans which had been readily adopted, the governor forbade them to hold any more meetings with the natives and suppressed their church and school work altogether.

The governor had also, on October 4, refused the request made by two of the mission ladies, Miss Fletcher and Miss Palmer, to leave the island in a schooner which the missionaries had built for their own purposes.

After a full and thorough investigation of the situation in all its facts and bearings, repeated conferences and some correspondence with the governor, and talks with missionaries and others, Commander Taylor concluded that, if the missionaries who had been burned out of house and home and had been inhibited from doing any more Christian work at Ponape, for the time being, would remove to a neighboring island and reëstablish themselves there until tranquility could be restored at their former home, it would be best for all concerned.

The missionaries in question adopted his suggestion, and the governor permitted [Page 449] three native followers and a school of seventeen young native girls to accompany Mr. Rand, Miss Palmer, Mrs. Cole, and Miss Fletcher to Strongs Island, known on the chart as Kusaie or Ualan Island, some 300 miles east by south from Ponape.

This party embarked on board the Alliance from Ronkite Harbor on the 2d of November, and were landed by Commander Taylor at Charbrol Harbor, Kusaie Island, on the afternoon of the 5th of November.

Commander Taylor describes the island as a comfortable and convenient point for the missionaries to await fuller developments. It is, in fact, a center for mission work in the Marshall and Gilbert groups, and has a small settlement of missionaries already established there. The natives are Christians, and are well disposed towards American missionaries.

The population is about 300, while the productive capacity of the island would support several thousand. Supplies are therefore plentiful, and the missionaries landed there can remain in safety and with some degree of comfort.

Commander Taylor remained at Kusaie until the 10th of November, at which date he weighed anchor and sailed for Nagasaki.

At the time of his departure the three lady missionaries and their school of seventeen girls, were occupying some houses which, after some repairs, would accommodate them temporarily. Mr. Rand and one follower had gone around the island to a missionary settlement on the west side.

I beg to express the opinion that Commander Taylor acted with good judgment and sound discretion throughout the entire affair.

The missionaries whose position and lives had been jeoparded by the acts and state of war at Ponape are now at another good station for mission work and out of harm’s way for the time being.

The copies of Commander Taylor’s full and exhaustive reports and papers, herewith transmitted, will enable the Department to lay before the honorable Secretary of State sufficient information upon which to base demands on the Spanish Government for redress of the grievances and sufferings of the missionaries, and for indemnity for lands seized, churches and dwellings burned, and property destroyed; also for the return of the missionaries to Ponape when peace has been restored there.

It will be noted that Governor Cadarso, in his correspondence, styles the American missionaries as Methodists. In view of such designation, I have to express my regret that Commander Taylor did not remind him, in a diplomatic way, that the missionaries were American citizens, engaged in the Christianization of the island, and whether they were Methodists, Presbyterians, Episcopalians, Roman Catholics, or of any other Christian sect or church was of no possible concern to him as governor of the island, and his bounden duty to recognize their rights and privileges as guaranteed by his Government to the Government of the United States.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

George E. Belknap,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy.
[Inclosure 1 in inclosure 1 in No. 135.]

Rear-Admiral Belknap to Commander Taylor.

Commander H. C. Taylor, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. S. Alliance, Yokohama, Japan:

Sir: Recent advices from the Caroline Islands indicate that serious troubles have recently arisen at Ponape, of that group, between the natives and the Spanish authorities, and that in consequence thereof the American residents there are much alarmed as to their personal safety and property. As soon, therefore, as the ship under your command is ready for sea you will proceed to Ponape, and upon arrival there thoroughly inform yourself upon the situation and take such steps within the purview of international law as you may deem necessary for the protection and reassurance of our countrymen there.

When, after arbitration in 1866, the rights of sovereignty to the Caroline Islands were decided to be vested in the Government of Spain and so recognized by the great powers, the Spanish Government guaranteed full protection to all American citizens residing on or doing business at the islands. It is to be hoped, therefore, that you will find all the differences between the Spanish authorities and the natives satisfactorily adjusted, and that ample protection has been afforded the lives and property of all American residents there.

Should such be the happy state of affairs existing on your arrival, the moral effect [Page 450] of your visit will nevertheless not go unheeded by any of the parties concerned. It will assure the American residents of a protection at hand whenever their needs urgently demand it, and indicate to the Spanish authorities as well as the islanders that the Government of the United States stands behind its citizens wherever they may be.

Unless, in your judgment, governed by the outlook on the spot, a longer stay than a fortnight appears necessary for the conservation of American interests at Ponape, you will at the end of such stay make the best of your way to Nagasaki, and upon arrival there communicate with me both by mail and telegraph.

During your stay at Ponape you will please gather as much information as possible concerning the general status of affairs there and embody the result in your report.

I hardly need add that in your intercourse with the Spanish officials you are expected to cultivate the most courteous and friendly relations with them, both socially and officially.

I inclose for your information several papers bearing more or less upon the object of your visit to the islands; and having full faith in your sound judgment, wise discretion, and thorough appreciation of all matters intrusted to you for investigation or action, I am,

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Geo. E. Belknap,
Rear-Admiral, U. S. Navy.
[Inclosure 2 in inclosure 1 in No. 135.]

Commander Taylor to Rear-Admiral Belknap.

No. 30.]

Sir: I respectfully report that I arrived here October 15, twenty days from Yokohama, using most of my coal on the passage, and having to use more here, where the anchorage is not a secure one. I have obtained 50 tons from the Spanish Government here.

I found the situation here unsatisfactory. The rebellion still continued. The Spanish landing at Oa in September, where was the principal American mission, 6 miles from here, to punish the natives for their rising in June last, lost heavily among their soldiers and officers, the colonel commanding the troops being among the killed.

The feeling among the Spanish has been, and continues to be, very bitter against the American missionaries, who are accused of inciting the natives to rebellion, I have made thorough investigation and find every reason to believe them innocent of this. It appears, however, that the Spaniards believe that the presence of these missionaries, without any overt act, keeps the rebel tribes in arms, and as the war still continues, with the disorders naturally accompanying it, I have advised the missionaries to withdraw until order is established.

Gov. Cadarso and his officers of the Spanish army and navy would, whenever possible, protect these missionaries from any violence from the Spanish soldiery, but in the heat of a campaign they might not find this possible, as the soldiers, incensed over their losses, have already burned the mission church and houses in Oa (after their attack in September).

The proper demands for explanation and reparation have been made by me, and official letters of some length have passed between the governor and myself.

Time does not serve to go into details, as an opportunity offered suddenly to send mail by a schooner, and it is probable that the Alliance will arrive in Japan before the schooner; but I will state that the governor will receive all claims for damages from the missionaries that I may approve, and regrets the destruction of their property, stating that it was a military necessity.

He declares that to assure them the protection that I demand it will be necessary for them to come and live near his headquarters here at Jamestown Harbor, and he declines to withdraw his order forbidding them to have meetings with the natives (which stops all church and school work) until tranquillity is restored in the island. I believe it will be some years before this occurs, and I have informed the governor in consequence that I would advise the missionaries to withdraw, and would offer them a passage in this ship to another island. The governor has not replied, but will, I believe, consent to do this. The missionaries will also, I think, follow my advice, and if nothing occurs to change my present plans I expect to go hence on the 4th November to Roukiti, on the south side of Ponape, where the missionaries have been since leaving Oa, take them and their followers to Ualon (Strong’s Island), 300 [Page 451] miles to the east-southeast, land them, and proceed 400 miles east to Jaluit, in the Marshall group, coal, and return to Nagasaki.

The American missionaries are the following: Mr. Rand, Miss Palmer, Miss Fletcher, and Mrs. Cole. Their followers number about twenty-five.

Relations of the most cordial nature have been preserved with the Spanish authorities throughout these serious official discussions.

There are four Spanish men-of-war here and about eight hundred troops.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant.

  • H. C. Taylor,
    Commander, U. S. Navy, Commanding.
  • Rear-Admiral G. E. Belknap, U. S. Navy,
    Commanding U. S. Naval Force, Asiatic Station, Yokohama, Japan.

Respectfully forwarded.

Geo. E. Belknap,
Rear-Admiral, Commanding Asiatic Station.
[Inclosure 3 in inclosure 1 in No. 135.]

Commander Taylor to Rear-Admiral Belknap.

Sir: I respectfully report the operations of this vessel during her voyage to the Caroline Islands, in pursuance of your order of September 22, 1890.

This report, referred to in letter of inclosure as No. 1, contains hydrographic and navigation information, and a general description of the cruise.

Leaving Yokohama by your orders September 25, we soon encountered winds from northward and eastward, and, taking them on port tack under sail, headed to southward and eastward, until the wind, after several days, hauled ahead and fell light, when we made a stretch to the eastward, with wind in southeast quarter, under steam and fore and aft sail, until wind went back to northward and eastward, when we again stood to southward finding light breezes from eastward, until near Ponape.

I respectfully refer to accompanying tracing of our track, which may be of use or interest to other vessels making the same passage, and which will show plainly the route followed and weather encountered.

While making our stretch to the eastward we passed near Marcus (or Weeks) Island, and, having sighted it, approached it on its northern side and examined it closely as we passed. This island has no inhabitants and is not claimed by any power. Its position, as determined by us without landing, was 24° 13ʹ north, 154° 02ʹ west, which determination agrees closely with that of the Tuscarora, Commander Belknap, but it is given on the chart 10 miles too far north. This error is a dangerous one, and should be corrected at once. Details of this and of other facts noted herein will be found in the navigator’s note book forwarded with this report.

To make certain of not being driven to leeward and thus being delayed perhaps months in reaching Ponape, I found it necessary to burn much of my coal, and thus arrived off the island with but 40 tons remaining of the 180 we started with. I was able to obtain, by the kindness of the Spanish governor at Ponape, 50 tons, price not known, to be paid for in Manila to the Spanish authorities there.

No pilot came off, though we have to outside the reef and made signal. This proved to be an accidental occurrence and a pilot may usually be counted upon.

I finally entered by conning the ship from aloft, and anchored in 38 fathoms, coral bottom.

The Spanish vessels were anchored farther in, under Lauga Island. On the 17th October, the ship beginning to drag, the other, (starboard) bower anchor was let go. By the breaking of the berth-deck compressor, control of the chain was lost and the heavy planking and wood work of the chain locker being weak and rotten was torn out by the jerk, and the end of the chain went overboard, slightly injuring one man, who has since recovered. The report of a board (ordered by me to investigate this loss), accompanied with ranges to locate the anchor’s position, is inclosed and marked Appendix I.

The Alliance’s berth was a safe one except in winter season, when the northeast trades blow fresh, at which time the lee side of Lauga Island should be sought. This harbor, though it affords a tolerable shelter, if constant care is exercised, is not recommended as a secure and comfortable anchorage.

[Page 452]

We were received with cordiality by Governor Cadarso and by the officers of the Spanish army and navy. After the usual courtesies and visits had been exchanged in the first few days, the governor and family and a number of Spanish officers visited the ship in the evening and were entertained by us; following which we were invited to a banquet given by them at the Government House, at which the President and yourself were toasted by the governor, and most cordial and amicable sentiments expressed by all. I thanked the governor in your name and then proposed the health of the Queen Regent and Governor Cadarso.

The affairs of the American missionaries having been arranged, and having decided to remove them, with their consent, from Ponape to Kusaie (Ualon or Strong Island), and having taken aboard the 50 tons of coal permitted by the governor, and completed the unavailing search for our anchor and chain, I weighed November 3 and stood out to Jamestown Harbor, and, passing around to the westward, anchored in the outer harbor of Roukiti, in the southwest portion of the island.

The objections to this harbor are similar to those at Jamestown—40 fathoms depths to anchor in and a space too confined to veer more than 75 fathoms of chain.

Except in southerly winds, however, I regard it as fairly secure. The inner harbor at Roukiti I would recommend to any vessel that has to remain long at Ponape, as a secure and compete shelter in all seasons. The entrance to the inner harbor is narrow and will be difficult for large vessels.

Having taken aboard the missionaries and their followers and baggage, we sailed from Roukiti at daylight November 4 and steered for Kusaie. Passing Mokie Island in the night without seeing it, we were off Pingelap Island, a low wooded island, at 9 a.m., November 5. At noon, when the tops of the trees were about to disappear below the horizon astern, we sighted a native canoe with several men in her making signs of distress. We found them to be Pingelap natives who, having lost sight of their island while fishing at night, had been adrift for ten days. We gave them food and fresh water, and then bringing their head man on deck, showed him his island, which was just below their horizon from the canoe. They then paddled off apparently reassured.

Arriving off Charbrol Harbor, Kusaie Island, noon, November 6, we found an American schooner which had just left her port. She was Ebon, of Jaluts, Capt. Cameron, and was on her way to Ponape, to recover articles from the wreck of an English yacht, the Nyanza, lost on the reef there some months ago. It appears that two Englishmen, names unknown, had given to a Mr. Turner, an American, the contract to recover articles from this wreck, and Mr. Turner had chartered this schooner in Jaluts for the purpose and had sailed from Jaluts with all the parties concerned aboard. Ensign Drake, who boarded her outside the harbor, reported to me that there was general dissatisfaction on board and considerable drinking and disorder. There seemed, however, after examination, to be not sufficient cause to justify my interference, and the schooner proceeded on her way.

In conning ship from aloft into this anchorage, I had the assistance of the native king, who is a good pilot. The chart is so erroneous as to be in some contingencies dangerous to vessels attempting the entrance. We anchored inside, close under Lele Island, and disembarked our passengers. The three lady missionaries and their school of seventeen native girls occupied some houses which, after some repairs, will accommodate them temporarily. The missionary, Mr. Rand, and one follower went around the island to a missionary settlement on the west side.

We had encountered light easterly winds from Ponape to Kusaie, but being assured that winds would soon make from the westward, I determined to remain a few days at Kusaie, to await this change, in order to make a fair wind to Jaulits Island in the Marshall Group, where I hoped to obtain some coal. I remained there until the following Monday, November 10, and occupied Thursday, Friday, and Saturday surveying the harbor, and in small-arm and revolver practice at targets placed on the reef. An effort to place a great gun target was unsuccessful, owing to the heavy swell against the reef and in the entrance.

I respectfully refer to the appended reports of the practice, and to the sheet also appended on which is plotted our survey work. I regard this harbor as of much importance. It may be considered, with good ground tackle, as a secure anchorage in all weathers. It is a locality rarely visited by violent storms, and the harbor is comfortable and convenient at all times. Supplies can be obtained in small quantities at all times, and in larger amounts by giving some notice in advance.

The position of this island, also, with reference to the future lines of trade across the Pacific, coupled with its possession of this good harbor, mark it for probable selection as a coaling port in the near future. For these reasons it seemed important not to permit the very incorrect chart of the harbor to go longer uncorrected, and the sheet I now submit, though not a complete “survey,” for which two more days work would have been needed, is a careful “hydrographic examination” by which the hydrographic office can correct the present chart or issue a new one.

[Page 453]

This work was performed by Lieut. Wood, Ensigns Drake and Washington, with skill and intelligence; while the target practice went on under charge of the executive officer, Lieut. Comly and the officers of the two gun divisions, Lieut. Henderson and Ensign Marsh, who gave it their faithful and efficient attention.

On Monday, November 10, finding the wind still from eastward, with no sign of a change, I weighed and shaped my course for Nagasaki. During the first week the breeze hauled gradually into the north and fell light. On November 13 we passed along Aricepos Island and reef, on its south side. Its position, as fixed by our observations, is 10 miles to westward of the position as shown by the chart. This and the other positions will be finally reported upon, when the navigator, Lieut. Wood, has established the chronometer errors and notes by observations made since our return to Japan.

Our route and weather from Kusaie to Japan are shown on the tracing before referred to.

The principal dates of the cruise are given below.

Since leaving Yokohama we have sailed 3,726 miles and steamed, with or without sail, 1,883.2 miles.

The health of the crew and officers continues good.

The condition of the vessel and the efficiency of her crew are satisfactory, the exercises having been thoroughly attended to under Lieut. Comly’s supervision.

Hoping that the Alliance’s work during this voyage will meet with your approval, I am, admiral,

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

  • H. C. Taylor,
    Commander, U. S. Navy.
  • Rear-Admiral Geo. C. Belknap, U. S. Navy,
    Commanding United States Naval Force,
    Asiatic Station, Yokohama, Japan.

Principal dates of the cruise.

September 25, 1890. Left Yokohama.

October 4. Passed Marcus (or Weeks) Islands.

October 15. Arrived at Ponape. Exchanged courtesies with Spanish war ship Vilasco. Governor’s secretary comes aboard. Commander pays official visit to governor and commander of Vilasco.

October 17. Governor pays official visit to ship and is shown around it. Missionary Rand comes from other side of island. Lost starboard bower author and chain.

October 20. Transport La Manilla, comes in harbor.

October 21. Governor, commander of Vilasco, several officers come aboard and are entertained by captain and officers.

October 23. Commander Taylor sends first letter to governor. Coal ship from La Manilla. Spanish war ship Ulloa comes into harbor from shelling rebels at Mettalamin.

October 25. Lieut. Wood makes trip to Kiti in steam cutter.

October 28. Banquet to officers of Alliance by governor and Spanish officers.

October 29. The Vilasco leaves harbor to continue shelling of rebels.

October 30. Commander Taylor sends his second letter to governor.

November 1. Governor sends second reply to Commander Taylor.

November 3. Governor and Spanish captain called to say farewell. Alliance leaves Jamestown harbor and arrives at Roukiti.

November 3. Missionaries and followers come aboard.

November 4. Alliance sails from Roukiti for Kusaie.

November 5. Provisioned and watered native boat’s crew adrift off Pingelap Island.

November 6. American schooner met outside of Charbrol Harbor. Missionaries leave ship.

November 7. Target practice with small arms and survey of harbor, continued on 8th instant.

November 10. Warped ship to fire great guns, but surf overthrows target on reef. At 11:50 stand out of harbor for Nagasaki.

November 13. Pass Aricefos Island.

December 4. Arrived at Nagasaki, Japan.

[Page 454]
[Inclosure 4 in inclosure 1 in No. 135.]

Commander Taylor to Rear-Admiral Belknap.

Sir: Under your orders of September 22, to proceed to Ponape, and * * * under the purview of international law * * * to “protect and reassure” * * * I left Yokohama September 25, and arrived at Ponape October 10.

I found, upon my arrival, the island in a condition of active war. The native tribe, the Metalanims, who had risen and massacred the Spanish troops on June 25 last, had not yielded to the Spanish authority, but continued an armed rebellion.

The Spanish troops, reinforced with men and ships from Manilas, had assaulted in September the rebel position at Metalamin Harbor, and at the American missionary station at Oua. They had withdrawn their land force from Metalamin after some loss, including their colonel commanding in chief, and had, on September 20 carried the rebel position at Oua partially intrenched near the American mission there.

After driving the rebels from their position, the Spanish force soon returned to their ships, but before withdrawing they burned the mission church and dwellings of the American missionaries at Oua, the missionaries having previously withdrawn to Roukiti Harbor, in the southwest part of the island, and found shelter with friendly natives of the Kiti tribe, which had remained loyal to Spain.

About this time the governor, Señor Luis Cadarso, and all his officers and men began to exhibit a strong distrust and suspicion of the American missionaries. This feeling had existed for some time previously, especially since the native rising and killing of Spanish troops at Oa mission, but the feeling now began to find strong expression, and the missionaries were openly accused of inciting the natives to rebel and of being privy to the massacre and of aiding them with advice. Upon their withdrawal to Roukiti, the governor forbade them by order to hold any meetings with the natives, and their church and school work were thus entirely suppressed; while the request to leave the island in a schooner, made by two missionaries, Miss Fletcher and Miss Palmer, on October 4, was distinctly refused by the governor, who by this action definitely put them in the position of prisoners, for the time at least.

Meantime the Spanish, without landing any more men in the rebel country, continued to occupy the waters with their men-of-war and to shell the rebel villages and any places in the jungle and mountain which should show signs of occupation; while the natives, retiring from the immediate shore line to avoid the fire of the ships, remained near enough to prevent any attempt of the Spanish forces to effect a landing.

Such, in brief, was the situation of affairs when the Alliance arrived at Ponape and anchored on the 15th of October in Jamestown Harbor, where the governor’s residence and headquarters are situated, at a settlement called Colonia.

In this harbor were the Vilasco, a Spanish corvette, and the Molina, a store ship. In the other harbors of the island were the Ulloa, corvette, and the Manilla, transport. Some troops were in barracks near the governor’s headquarters at Colonia, a strong column of, perhaps, 300 men were in the southwest of the island, and a garrison of from 50 to 100 men were in a stockade camp in the southeast of the island.

I estimated the Spanish losses during the campaign to have amounted so far to about 40 killed and 60 wounded, and that their effective force, excluding this 100 men, to be about 700 men, of which number 200 would be provided from ships. The correct figures could not be obtained from the Spanish officials, and most estimates placed their effective force at 1,100 men. I believe this to be too great.

There are believed to be 5,000 natives in Ponape. Of these there are not more than 1,500 belonging to the Metalamim tribe, of whom not more than 300 are lighting men. The addition of individual allies from other tribes may make this latter figure 400.

It may be here mentioned that for nearly half a century the influence of American Protestant missionaries has been strong and without a competitor in Ponape. There has been a voluntary submission of the mass of the inhabitants to the missionaries’ guidance and dominance in religion and education. The natives have, however, retained a complete independence of any political authority, being ruled only by their native kings and chiefs.

Spain, finding it necessary after difficulties with Germany to assert its sovereignty over the Caroline Islands, and having chosen Ponape as the seat of government for the Eastern Carolines, as Yap had been similarly selected for the Western Carolines, found, after occupation, that the natives did not submit willingly to Spanish rule nor to the Roman Catholic church, which, being their state religion, they naturally [Page 455] desired to introduce at their seat of government. Their efforts in this direction resulted unfortunately in the massacre of a large force of soldiers and the subsequent assassination of Governor Passadillo in June, 1887; following which, they accused the American missionaries of influencing the natives’ mind against Spain and its religion, imprisoned Mr. Doane, the senior missionary, and finally deported him to Manila for trial, whence he was returned with honor in a Spanish man-of-war.

While it could not, perhaps, be shown then or now that the American Protestant missionaries looked with pleasure upon the coming of the Spanish and of their religion to Ponape, it is nevertheless certain that in no way, by speech or action, did they then or at any time incite the natives, nor favor their rising, nor any of their acts of rebellion against the lawful authority of Spain.

The strong feeling on the part of the Spanish against the American missionaries has been somewhat checked during the last ten years by the moderate attitude of the governor, whose justice and kindness is attested by all classes of people on the island. The governor’s attitude, however, since the rising and bloodshed of last June, has noticeably changed, influenced in part, it is believed, by his superiors in Manila, where the feeling against the American missionaries is stated by Consul Webb to be very strong.

The result of this change has been, as stated by the missionaries, that they have had to endure oppression and unjust treatment, as indicated in the body of this report.

The morning after our arrival, the usual formalities having been observed, I called upon the governor of the Eastern Carolines, who, beside his rank of governor, is a captain in the Spanish navy.

In a long interview of a friendly nature, Governor Cadarso expressed himself strongly against the attitude of the American missionaries in Ponape. He said that tribe in rebellion were the missionaries’ best friends; that the massacre of Spanish troops on June 25 last, and the attempt to kill the Catholic priests at the same time, occurred at the American Methodist (meaning Protestant) mission, at Oua, in the Metalamin tribe; that the missionaries’ most devoted followers among the chiefs were the leaders of the rebellion and massacre; that one of the missionaries knew of the intended uprising the day before it happened, and gave no warning; that at the assault upon Oua, in September, the Spanish troops found the rebels sheltered by entrenchments which must have been planned under the advice of missionaries, or of their native assistants, who had been to Europe and America; that the senior missionary, Mr. Rand, had, by the governor’s permission, been living for several weeks at Oua before the assault of September, and had seen the natives entrenching themselves around the mission buildings, but had given no information to the Spanish authorities until closely questioned by the governor before the assault.

I replied that it was quite unlikely that the American missionaries were inciting or favoring disorder, for they well knew that a state of war in the island, or of any political disorder, at once put a stop to their work, both religious and educational, and this defeated all aims and purposes for which they came to the island, and for which they and their predecessors had labored earnestly for forty years.

I added that this fact alone made the charges so improbable that I would ask the governor to permit me to learn, more at leisure, the state of affairs in the island, from various sources, after which I could reply more intelligently to these grave accusations against American citizens living under his government.

The governor consented and offered his assistance in my investigations, and added that he had important deposition of natives which incriminated the missionaries.

From this time I was occupied in obtaining information from various quarters, Spanish officials, German residents, Americans other than missionaries, and natives of all tribes, except the rebel Metalamin, this tribe being in rebellion against the lawful rule of Spain. I directed the messengers whom I sent out to obtain depositions not to hold any communication with that tribe, and I declined to receive any messages from it, though efforts were secretly made by the Metalamin to open negotiations with me.

From the missionaries themselves I received much valuable information, and the statements of two of them, Mr. Rand and Miss Palmer, are appended. (See Appendix III.)

When the greater part of my messengers had returned from the tribes with the depositions of their chief men, and when I had obtained sufficient testimony from all concerned, to feel thoroughly informed, I addressed a letter to Governor Cadarso (Appendix I), in which I stated that Missionary Rand had been eighteen months absent in the United States, Missionary Doane (since dead in Honolulu), five months; only two ladies were present in the island of all connected with the American mission, and they had, as was well known, no influence whatever over the native; that shortly after Mr. Rand returned, two months after the rising of the natives, he and [Page 456] the others of the mission received the governor’s permission to retire from Oua, when hostilities were threatened, to Kiti tribe, who were loyal to Spain; that following this, when the Spanish troops had driven the rebels from their position at Oua, they had burned the American mission church and the missionaries’ dwellings and had shown no regret nor offered them shelter or new houses. Following this, the governor had forbidden them to hold any meetings with the natives, thus stopping their church and school work.

I then asked the following questions: “First, as to the future condition of these American citizens; second, as to when your excellency contemplates assigning them a permanent place of residence under your protection, and, third, when may they recommence their mission work?”

While awaiting a reply to this letter, other messengers, who had been sent to more distant parts of the island, returned with many additional depositions, and completed the evidence of the innocence of the missionaries.

These depositions (Appendix VI) were in positive rebuttal of the evidence held by the governor, and one, from a native named Edgar, prisoner to the Spaniards for some months past, under charges of complicity in the Oua massacre of June 25, 1890, states positively that he had testified against the missionaries only when threatened with death by the Spanish authorities if he did not so testify. (Appendix VII.)

I had feared for a few days after my arrival that a military court might be ordered for the trial of the missionaries, in case further loss in the fighting then going on should increase the hostile sentiment toward them. In the heat of the moment, and with the island under martial law, I was anxious to avoid this contingency, or, failing this, to have such evidence to produce as would make it impossible to convict of any serious or capital offense. It was apparent to me when I sent the above letter to the governor that the depositions then in my hands secured the missionaries’ position against any such contingency; and it is my belief that the governor, who was kept somewhat informed by his subordinates of the evidence flowing in to me, became also convinced at this time that a trial of the missionaries would be inexpedient.

In a letter received (See Appendix II) the governor answered the three questions of my official communication as follows: “* * * I believe it opportune to give to you the most complete assurance that the citizens of the United States will have all the rights which legitimately belong to them, and are the same as all the other citizens, German or foreigners. As to the second, I ought to explain to you that I do not find it inconvenient in any way, for my part, that these missionaries should establish themselves in the proximity of the colony, where they shall share every sort of consideration and the protection of my authority. Third, they will have complete liberty to hold meetings as soon as the exceptional state of war now existing shall cease.”

Although I was for the moment no longer concerned for the personal safety of the missionaries if they remained in the island, still the tone of the governor’s letter and the general attitude of the Spanish officials and troops toward them made it proper to consider whether, in the near future, the Spanish soldiers, when in the confusion of battle and exasperated at their losses, could be controlled by their officers, and whether they would limit their hostility, on a second occasion, to the burning of the missionaries’ dwellings and churches.

As open war still continued in the island, with no prospects of its ceasing for many months, perhaps years, this contingency had to be considered. But in addition to this element of personal danger, the situation of these missionaries in Ponape appeared to me in some degree degrading; and without considering their sacred calling, which I sincerely respect, I regarded their voluntary continuance in that situation as unworthy of respectable citizens of the United States.

There are, I believe, many questions connected with their treatment lately by the Spanish authorities which can be satisfactorily discussed and settled only between the respective Governments at Washington and Madrid or between yourself and the governor-general at Manila; but, pending such settlement, I regarded it as wise and expedient that the missionaries should retire from the island to a convenient point in the neighborhood, where, without waiving any claim, or giving up any rights, they could await with dignity the pleasure of Spain in restoring them to their former duties and privileges in Ponape, and whence they could, with good reason, ask our own Government to give its attention to the treatment they had received.

I was convinced that you would wish further discussion of these matters referred to higher authority, provided that the present safety and comfort of these United States citizens could be certainly and properly secured. I, therefore, gave this advice to the missionaries, who, after deliberation, consented to leave the island, if permitted to take with them certain native followers, to whose protection they felt themselves pledged.

[Page 457]

I then wrote to the governor (see Appendix iv) for his permission to carry out this plan; I waived further discussion of the case as useless, and announced the intended departure of the missionaries.

In reply to this second letter the governor sent a communication, (see Appendix v) consenting to the missionaries being accompanied by certain of their native followers.

My letters to the governor were in English, accompanied by French translations. His letters were in Spanish with French translations. In this correspondence I have been much assisted by Ensign Marsh’s suggestions during the course of these discussions with the governor.

The missionaries had requested me to take them to Strongs Island, known on the charts as Kusaie (or Ualan) Island. Kusaie is the most eastern of the Carolines, lying about 300 miles to the east-southeast of Ponape.

Monday, November 2, I weighed and stood out of Jamestown Harbor and around the island to the harbor of Roukiti, on the southwest side, where I embarked Mr. Rand and the three followers and Miss Fletcher, Miss Palmer Mrs. Cole, and a school of seventeen young native girls.

Sailing thence on the 3d of November and passing Pingelap Island on the 4th, I landed my passengers on the afternoon of the 5th of November at Charbrol Harbor, Kusaie Islands.

Of the other Americans on the island, Mr. Bowker was the most prominent. He is a carpenter and general mechanic by trade and is married to a native woman. He has good judgment, is very intelligent, and appears to be generally much esteemed. He is regarded with favor by the governor at present, having been instrumental in saving the lives of some of the Catholic priests during the massacre at Oua, on June 25. He stated that he needed no protection. Mr. Bowker was of much service during our stay in Ponape, collecting information and exhibiting much intelligence as to the questions at issue. Capt. Gifford, an American citizen, and representing an American business firm, asked for protection against the rebel tribes; also for a government rifle with ammunition to be given him. I advised him to remove to near the governor’s headquarters at Jamestown Harbor, where the governor had engaged to protect all persons. I refused his request for a rifle and ammunition. The remainder of the Americans in the island were, for the most part, deserters from American whalers, living with native women and working for native chiefs. They needed no protection.

The island of Kusaie is a comfortable and convenient point for the missionaries to await further developments. It is a center for the mission work in the Marshall and Gilbert groups of islands, and has a small settlement of missionaries for those groups already in Kusaie. The natives are Christians and well disposed toward American missionaries. The number of the inhabitants is small, about three hundred, while the productive capacity of the islands would support several thousand, so that supplies are plentiful, and the missionaries can remain there in safety and not without a certain comfort.

Before closing this report I may properly note that the Spaniards are doubtless correct in believing that their task of subjugating the island has been made more difficult by the half century of teaching by American Protestant missionaries. It may be supposed that the ideas, religious and political, imbibed by the natives in long association with these missionaries, would not predispose them to ready submission to Spain and its religion. But no act unfriendly to Spain has been committed. During these fifty years the missionaries knew nothing of Spain coming to this little island in the middle of the Pacific.

An unfavorable state of affairs confronts the Spanish authorities, but no hostile action or attitude on the part of the American missionaries.

And this state of affairs was well known to Spain when, upon occupying the Carolinas, it announced to our Government that it would favor and foster the excellent work of the American missionaries.

It is, perhaps, natural that the Spaniards in Ponape during the past few months should feel incensed at the determined resistance of the rebel tribes and embittered by the loss of many friends and comrades. While feeling much sympathy with them, it is nevertheless plain to me that these facts do not justify them in unjust treatment of the United States citizens; nor is their bitterness, natural though it may be, sufficient reason for violating formal pledges made by Spain to our Government.

In view of the facts as herein related, I respectfully submit the suggestion, subject to your better judgment, that these matters be speedily referred Washington for the consideration of our Government. Some notice should, I believe, be soon taken of the treatment which has caused the missionaries to feel that they must leave Ponape.

I respectfully refer to the various statements appended, which will throw more light upon the details of our visit to Ponape.

[Page 458]

My work has been made easier for me by the effective seconding of the executive officer, Lieut. L. P. Comly, who, together with the other officers, has used every effort to promote cordial relations with the Spanish officials in the island, while at the same time rendering all assistance, respect, and sympathy to the missionaries in their misfortunes.

Thanking you, admiral, for the confidence you have reposed in my discretion and for the kind expressions contained in your letter of instruction,

I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

  • H. C. Taylor,
    Commander U. S. Navy, Commanding.
  • Rear-Admiral George E. Belknap, U. S. Navy,
    Commanding U. S. Naval Force on Asiatic Station, Flagship Omaha.
[Appendix 1.—Inclosure 5.]

List of appendices.

Copy of Commander Taylor’s letter to governor.
Governors reply to first letter.
Mr. Rand’s and Miss Palmer’s statements,
Commander Taylor’s second letter to governor.
Governor’s second reply.
Affidavits of natives in re missionaries.
Confidential letter of Edgar (native).
Copy of C. E. Bowker’s statements.
List of scholars at mission school. Copies of transfers of children to school.
Mr. Rand’s statement in re mission lands. Deed confirming land ceded to mission. Deed of land ceded to mission.
Estimated value of mission property at Oua. Proclamation of governor in re meetings and surrender of rebel chiefs, etc. Letter to Mr. Rand in re meetings.
Governor’s letter to Miss Palmer asking her to go to government house. Same to same in re Catholic buildings at Oua. Clandestine overture to Commander Taylor by rebel chief.
Chronological table of events at Ponape. Map of Ponape Island.
[Appendix 1.]

Commander Taylor to Governor Cadarso.

His Excellency Señor Don Luis Cadarso,
Governor of the Eastern Carolines:

Sir: Upon the receipt of the news of the native rebellion of June 25, 1890, I was ordered to visit Ponape with the Alliance, under my command, to assure the Spanish authorities of my Government’s sympathy and to offer any assistance which might be desired by the authorities with reference to the protection of Americans residing here.

In conversation with your excellency I understood that you attributed much of the present difficulty to the influence of the American missionaries, whom you believed to be hostile to the Spanish authority and religion. I have therefore delayed writing to you on this subject until I could thoroughly understand the matter; but I am now prepared to submit to you, very respectfully, a statement of the situation as it appears to me, and I beg your excellency to give it your kind attention.

When the outbreak of June 25 occurred Mr. Rand had been in the United States for eighteen months. Mr. Doane, since dead in Honolulu, had been absent five months. Two ladies were the only persons connected with the mission who were present.

These ladies possessed no influence with the natives who rebelled, and were careful not to interfere with any affairs outside of their mission work.

The rebellion occurred at Oua, where there had been for a long time a mission church and some houses of the American mission. Upon Mr. Rand’s return to [Page 459] Ponape, August 20, 1890, he obtained your permission to proceed to Oua, but later on, when a battle appeared probably at that point, everyone connected with the mission left Oua. I am informed that this was done by your excellency’s advice. The missionaries then proceeded by your permission to Roukiti, and soon afterward your troops attacked Oua, and, after some fighting, set fire to and burned some or all of the houses there, including the mission church.

It is for your excellency and your officers to decide whether this destruction of their property was or was not a “military necessity,” but I submit respectfully to your excellency’s consideration that no movement has been made to provide new houses for these missionaries, nor has there been any proposal to indemnify these persons. They have for the present sought shelter with some friendly natives at Kiti.

After this, on the 11th of October, 1890, the missionaries were forbidden by your order to hold any meetings, and their church work and school work have been entirely stopped.

I will ask your kind permission to now recite some parts of the correspondence, which has lately passed between the governments of Madrid and Washington on this subject.

In a letter of May 4, 1886, to the Secretary of State, Mr. Bayard, Mr. Muruaga, Spanish minister to the United States, writes as follows: “Concerning the treatment which American citizens are to receive in the Caroline and Pelew Islands, her majesty, the Queen Regent, in conformity with the resolutions of her ministers in council, has been pleased to direct the undersigned to inform the honorable Secretary of State that the treatment which American citizens are to receive in those archipelagoes will not be less favorable than that accorded to Germans and other foreigners.”

Also, from article 4 of Spain’s treaty with Germany, as follows: “All their acquired rights (of property and land) shall be preserved.”

“Also, from a note dated March 12, 1886, from Mr. Valera, Spanish minister at Washington, to the Secretary of State, Mr. Bayard, as follows: “The minister of state (of Spain) on the 15th October, 1885, informed the United States legation that ‘nothing was further from the intention of the Spanish Government than to seek to hamper or embarrass in the slightest degree the work of christianizing and teaching, to which the charge d’affaires (for the United States) had referred; it being determined on the contrary to favor and promote such beneficent results to the extent of its ability.’”

The situation at present appears to me, therefore, as follows: A rising of the natives and consequent battles have occurred with which the American missionaries have had, I believe, nothing to do, but which they deeply regret, as it interferes with and perhaps destroys that religious and educational work to which they have devoted their lives. They have suffered loss of property and much discomfort and anxiety, nor are they assured against further loss by the Spanish authority.

I would, therefore, respectfully beg from your excellency, some information: First. As to the future condition of these American citizens. Second. As to when your excellency contemplates assigning them a permanent place of residence under your protection, and third, when they may recommence their mission work.

I beg to assure your excellency that these persons are prepared to follow any reasonable course you may direct, which shall convince you of their loyalty to yourself and the Spanish Government.

In closing this letter permit me to also thank your excellency for your kindness and courtesy to me, and which is highly appreciated.

I remain, with high respect, your excellency’s obedient servant,

H. C. Taylor,
Commander U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Alliance.
[Appendix: II.—Translation.]

Governor Cadarso to Commander Taylor.

Commander H. C. Taylor, U. S. Navy,
Commanding U. S. S. Alliance:

I feel myself highly and satisfactorily impressed in the reading of the official letter which I have had the honor to receive from your hands referring to the unpleasant events of the 25th June. In reply thereto, you may believe that I shall try to respond to the nobility and disinterested propositions which are expressed in your letter before referred to.

[Page 460]

I commence before all in declaring to you that in the name of my Government I congratulate myself and accept gratefully the generous sentiments of sympathy and assistance, made to my authority, of the fine vessel under your worthy command, in as much as may be necessary, and that I do not accept, relying on sufficient forces to suppress the rebellion already overpowered.

Although the presence of the Alliance has for its object also the protection of the interests of the citizens of the United States, I place myself unconditionally at your disposition to aid all whomsoever may merit such protection.

It has always been my motto, in the three years that I have governed this archipelago, to respect the rights of all, and to do justice in whatsoever disputes of greater or less degree they have become involved. And to give you the most complete surety of my assertion I appeal to the testimony of all the inhabitants of the island, whether or not they may be inclined to my authority in these moments, and I am sure they will confess always that the distinctive feature of my conduct has been at all times to please my subjects, and to make the dominion of Spain, as she has ever done, smooth and pleasant for the natives.

But as satisfied as I was for so long a period with all the natives of the island, it grieves me to say it, and I do so with concern, that the influence of the Methodist missionaries, I am convinced, in no way favored the interests of Spain, much needing, as you will understand, the support of all in the first years of her dominion. The Methodist missionaries, I repeat, have managed to make proselytes, setting aside everything else, to the end that the missions may exist; and it may not be said that the Government of Spain has not shown them the way to follow, for in all the acts of life it has reflected the disinterestedness of the mother country, and the marked material profit they have received from it. As well before as after our arrival, they had received a direct contribution paid by all the families of the island and by all those whom they had caused to embrace the Christian religion. This tax exists even in these days, and consists in the payment of 20 cocoanuts for each married couple and 5 for each child and adult baptized.

It is true that such contribution they are taught to say is for the all-powerful God, but in fact it would be more just that this real and effective tribute should be paid to the Spanish nation, which is making so many sacrifices to encourage and civilize these unfortunates, almost savage. For if they were not so, they would not comply with such a grudge of the unjust contribution which they pay, with so much more reason, as there exist in the island other worthy missionaries who teach a healthy morality and a form of the Christian religion which for these natives is exactly similar, without molesting in any way the meager rights of the natives.

I do not treat at this time of the accumulation of charges against the missionaries, Mr. Doane and Mr. Rand. It suffices to me that they call themselves American citizens, that I still hold, as I have always held, singular considerations for them. But their conduct previously and at present is so directly related to the rebellion at Oua that I see myself in the necessity of laying before you, with impartial truth, those acts by which I have received the impression of the American missionaries, just or unjust, and which I had the honor to express to you in our conference.

It is very usual to hear from the lips of foreigners, and of some of the natives, that Mr. Rand, especially before his voyage to America, preached in a sense little friendly to the Spanish. And I have here at present a person of sufficient importance in the country and who had always been attached to the missionaries, but who is at present without doubt out of their favor, who declares himself to be certain of this statement, adding also, himself, that in the meeting held in Oua since Mr. Rand’s return from America the latter manifested to the rebels his marked disgust at the Government for considering the question of establishing there a detachment of troops, since Oua ought to be exclusively for the Christians, augmenting with such preachings the spirit of the rebellion.

In a recent visit that was made by a column of European and native troops to all the tribes of Kiti, the officer commanding informed me on his return of the magnificent reception given in all the villages en route where there were only natives, and of the marked coolness of the missionaries in Roukiti; and some of the natives of that tribe informed him that where there are the Methodist missionaries there will be the same estrangement. The American citizen, Mr. Gilford, who represents a respectable company of San Francisco, showed equally to the commanding officer of the Ulloa that he held the opinion that the rebellion in Oua had been organized exclusively by the Methodist teachers, and that in the dispatch which I have formed they are held responsible as principal authors. One such, Edgar, at present confined on board of the Ulloa, and Henry, who is of the best and most intimate to Mr. Rand. There is damaging circumstance by which it is proven that it was Henry who in Oua directed the building of the fortifications and animated the natives, leaving the place when Mr. Rand returned to Roukiti on the 9th of September, when he was protected by the latter, who must have known that Henry was a traitor to the Spanish Government. If you should find it convenient, talk to Mr. Warrhun, [Page 461] a German, but very fond of America, and you will bear words very little favorable to the missionaries. He believes firmly that the exclusive influence of the already cited missionaries is highly prejudicial to the prestige and sovereignty of the Spanish Government. And if there may be necessary any other reasons than those already expressed, I will cite to you an act which, on the opinion of a good judge, as surely you are on the points of this peculiar nature, that will serve to note in such detail the true state of the country.

It is three years, as I have had the honor to say to you, that I have been the head of this Government, exercising at once the office of judge of the priary court of claims. All questions that have arisen on the ownership of land, of domestic troubles, of lawsuits of any importance, have always been in the tribe of Metalamin, in which the missionaries, and especially Mr. Doane, have appeared as intermediaries; I have been obliged many times to call his serious attention to this fact.

I pass now to the consideration of the other point dwelt upon in your very courteous communication. The bombardment of Oua was imperative necessity, for there, although in the presence of Mr. Rand, the natives fortified themselves strongly, and he only informed me when I asked him the extent of the earthworks. And although when I had given guarantees of safety to Mr. Rand and his missionaries in order that they might continue to inhabit the houses on their property, I saw they were endeavoring to defend themselves in so formidable a manner, and that the chiefs and Henry were so entirely influenced and controlled at all times by Mr. Rand, I explained to him that I could not insure him his houses in case the natives should take them as forts. So it was he proposed to me to establish himself in Roukiti, and I agreed to it.

At the attack on the natives, at Oua, they were intrenched in the forts and later in the church and houses of Mr. Rand, from whence they commenced to kill my troops. In such a critical situation the commanding officer, Señor Don Victor Diaz, was obliged to attack with all his column, producing the destruction which was a necessary consequence, and which I have much regretted.

But although this point is amicably discussed, I consider it opportune to explain to you what was the situation at Oua.

The aforesaid church was a small hall constructed by the natives, who always work gratis for the missionaries. In this class of buildings the roofs are of the leaves of the ivory plant, etc., from which you can judge of the importance of the said building or church. The houses of the missionaries were in equally bad condition, and the best of them, that occupied by Mr. Rand himself, cost in all $1,000. That of Mr. Doane, abandoned and old, and all in fact, had rendered their best service in this very moist climate. The remainder of the village was composed of the houses of many kanakas, all friends of the missionaries, which constituted them a sort of state in which was recognized no other authority than that of Mr. Doane. Such is the dominion which that missionary managed to hold over such simple-minded inhabitants.

This said, I have the pleasure to explain to you that it will be agreeable in so much as it depends on me to accept from the present moment the petition of indemnity which Mr. Rand may wish to send to the Government of Spain, and I trust blindly that you who have given me so many proofs of generosity will appreciate in its true value the material losses caused at Oua to said missionairies, and will appreciate further that the said houses have a distinct value when they are situated on points fortified or protected by regular troops, or when they are deliberately established in places inhabited by savages, for as such are to be classified the natives at Oua. This agreed, I place myself completely at your disposition and accept the indicated claim.

I pass now to the consideration of another point treated of in your respectable communication, to which I have the honor to reply. It is true that on October 11 I published a proclamation prohibiting all meetings, of whatsoever kind, and such disposition of things was founded on the previous circumstance that on the 12th of September I published another proclamation declaring the island to be under martial law. And you understand perfectly that in Spain at least, in declaring this unusual state of affairs, all constitutional guarantees are suspended and all meetings are prohibited in order to avoid a gathering of people and to avoid the formation of any forces of insurrection.

But just at this time the aspect borne by the natives, previously well inclined to our authority, changed, as I was informed since the installation of Mr. Rand at Roukiti, they becoming very cool in the observance of the law. Mr. Rand at his pleasure called together these natives in a feast and reunion which lasted nine days. I leave to your distinguished consideration whether or not the decree of the 11th of October was justifiable.

No one is more faithful in the fulfillment of a sacred promise than he who has the honor to address you; and so nothing should be lacking to the resolutions agreed [Page 462] upon by the ministers of state of the United States and Spain by mutual accord and with much more reason when treating with a nation sincerely friendly.

Nevertheless I believe it opportune to give to you the most complete assurance that the citizens of the United States will have here all the rights which legitimately belong to them, and are the same as those of all other citizens, Germans or foreigners. I have thus answered the first question with which you close your very distinguished communication. As to the second, I ought to explain to you that I do not find it convenient in any way, for my part, that these missionaries should establish themselves in the proximity of the colony where they will share every sort of consideration and the protection of my authority. And as to the third, they will have complete liberty to hold meetings as soon as the exceptional state of war now existing shall cease.

In closing this official letter permit me to express to you my gratitude for the amiability, moderation, and exquisite tact with which you have conducted yourself towards my authority, and I shall never forget so notable a diplomat, so complete a gentleman, and so large a friend as you have been to me on this occasion.

With greatest respect and distinguished consideration, and always at your orders, your very faithful servant,

Luis Cadarso.
[Appendix III.]

Mr. Rand to Commander Taylor.

Commander H. C. Taylor, U. S. Navy, Alliance, Port Santiago, Ponape:

Honored Sir: To you, as a representative of our Government sent to look after the interests of her citizens in this island, I send a statement in regard to the position taken by the Ponape mission in the present trouble between the natives of the Metalamim tribe and the Spanish Government.

This trouble began at Oua, a village in the Metalamim tribe, June 25. You are aware of the fact that I was away from the island at that time. On my return, August 20, after a year and a half absence, I found our mission work in a sad state.

In order that you may have a clear understanding of the part taken by the mission, I will give you a short account of the trouble from the beginning.

About the middle of May the governor sent a garrison consisting of a lieutenant and thirty men to Oua (Oua for the last twenty-five years has been the principal station of the Ponape mission). They began their fort, barracks, church, and priest’s house on the mission premises, notwithstanding a protest had been made by the mission before they began to build, and the governor had assured them that these buildings would not be built near the mission buildings, and that all the grounds we had under cultivation would be respected. The barracks and fort are about 20 rods from the mission church; their church and priest’s house right in front of it, about 60 feet distant. As soon as Miss Palmer (the only missionary on the island at the time) heard that the buildings were to be so near to the church, she sent to the governor, asking if they could be moved farther from the church. He assured her he would have them removed, but the very next day she received a letter (copy inclosed, see Appendix XII) from him saying as there was no other healthy place at Oua for the priest’s house, it and the church would be built on the site selected. In the early part of June, twenty more soldiers were added to the garrison at Oua. June 25 this garrison was attacked by a part of the Metalamim tribe, the lieutenant and many of his men being killed. About 9 a.m. a steam launch from the colony arrived towing three boats. Being fired into they returned to the colony. About 4 p.m. the steam launch appeared again, this time towing five boats filled with soldiers. Many of these got onto the flats and tried to land. Being repulsed, they embarked in their boats and returned to the colony, bearing some of their number dead on the flats. One or two natives were slighlty wounded, none killed. Before dark the transport Manilla arrived from the colony. In trying to enter she grounded on the reef, remaining there four nights. The lives of two priests and five Manilla men were saved by Henry Hauper, one of our native teachers and senior deacon of the Oua church. The priests were hid in the girls’ school building, the soldiers in Henry Hauper’s house. They were put on board the Manilla the fourth night by Henry Hauper and Mr. Bowker. (Mr. Bowker is an American residing on the island since 1882.)

Among the many causes which led to this outbreak, I will mention two or three which, it seems to me, are the principal ones.

Ever since the Spanish took possession of Ponape their treatment of the natives has been such that it has prejudiced the natives against them, and has led all, both [Page 463] Christians and non-Christian, to distrust them. The rash acts of the first governor, who took such harsh measures to make slaves and Catholics of the people, are widely known. It is also well known that that trouble was peacefully and satisfactorily settled in November, 1887, by the present governor. The justice and leniency which the governor showed the natives at that time led them to trust him, hoping he was going to give them religious freedom and their rights as Spanish subjects. In the main, the treatment of the natives by the present governor has been just, and has tended to draw the natives from the distrust of the Spanish Government, caused by the action of the first governor. The principal cause that has led to the Metalamim tribe to distrust the governor and believe that he was planning to destroy their church at Oua, and force them to give up their religion and accept that brought by the Spanish, is the fact that they believed the high-handed way in which the lieutenant in charge of the Spanish forces at Oua was trying to force them to give up their religion and accept that brought them by the priests was by his orders.

They believed the lieutenant was acting by orders of the governor because most of his threats wore in regard to what the governor was going to do. The fact that the governor permitted the lieutenant to build their church and priest’s house right up against the mission church was proof enough to the natives that he was carrying out the governor’s orders.

They also believed that he would carry out all of these threats and many others. Believing all this, it was natural that some of the Christians should join with the hoodlum element of the tribe in their attack on the Spaniards. The brags and threats of the lieutenant aggravated this hoodlum element and made them anxious to give him a chance to prove his bravery. The leader of this element is the third chief in the tribe. He and his followers have been gradually slipping out from the control of the chiefs for two or three years.

The best Christians of the Oua church had nothing to do with this outbreak, but did all they could to prevent it.

The leader of the Christians engaged in it was from a village 7 or 8 miles from Oua. He and all the Christians with him, with one exception, were among the least faithful of our people.

On my arrival at Ponape, August 20, I went to the colony with the captain of our mission vessel (the Morning Star) to see the governor in regard to landing our effects at Oua, and to find out if our lives would be safe there.

The governor gave us permission to land our things by boat, but would not permit the Morning Star to go there.

He also said he could not promise us protection at Oua if there was war there, but he hoped with my help that the natives might be persuaded to accept his terms and avoid the punishment which would be meted out to them if they did not accept.

His terms were that all of the guns in the tribe were to be delivered to him; also the nine natives he considered leaders in the trouble at Oua. The alternative was that the whole tribe was to be exterminated and all their houses and cultivated land destroyed.

The next day I went to Oua with the governor’s message.

The King and the leaders in the trouble refused to accept his terms. The King was not in the trouble July 25, but got himself into disfavor with the governor by not keeping his people from rebelling. From August 20 till September 3, I gave up my whole time in trying to persuade the King and the leaders to accept the governor’s terms. During this time I went to Oua for the above purpose nine times and to the governor five.

On my second visit to him he told me I was not to have any meeting with the Metalamim tribes except to persuade them to accept his terms. At the same time he hinted that he might soon stop the meetings in all tribes. August 28, the governor gave me a letter to the King and leaders (copy inclosed. See Appendix XI). The governor assured me that if they accepted the terms of this letter, there should be no more bloodshed, and that none of those who came to him would be killed or sent to Manila.

I went to Oua, that same day. After working with the King and leaders four days, I succeeded in getting them to promise they would accept his terms, if he would promise that all who went to him would be returned the same day. Monday, September 1, went to see him if he would promise; met him on the wharf just ready to get into his boat to go on board the men-of-war that had just come to anchor. I gave him the message from the chiefs; he said they were to accept the terms given them but would not say any thing in regard to when those who came to him would, return. The men-of-war brought 600 soldiers most of them Spaniards. These with the marines on the two vessels, and the marines and soldiers already here, make about a thousand fighting men. September 2 went to the governer to see if our lives would be safe at Oua if there was fighting there. He said he could not offer us protection anywhere except on board one of his vessels. But he assured me that the mission property would not be damaged by them unless the natives took refuge in [Page 464] them and had to be shelled out. He also said that we might move our schools to Kiti, and that we would he safe there as long as that tribe kept out of the trouble.

After a careful consideration of the matter we decided that it was best for all of us to go on the Star, anchored at Port Santiago, about two miles from the Spanish men-of-war.

September 3 we went on board, expecting to remain three or four weeks, hoping the trouble would be settled in that time and we could return to Oua. Twenty girls went with us. Henry Hauper took the training-school to Kiti. The same day I went to the governor’s with a letter from some of the Metalamim chiefs who had taken no part in the trouble, asking him to give them protection. He answered their letter, saying they were to come to him within twenty-four hours or be considered as rebels. Three of them went. One was kept a prisoner, the other sent to the Kiti tribe. September 4 Capt. Garland received orders from the governor that the Star must be moved up near the men-of-war. The captain thought better to go to sea than to move up, and went for his clearance papers. The governor said he must move up first. As soon as the Star’s anchor was down in the anchorage the men-of-war officer of the port came aboard to inspect her. Before leaving he informed the captain that none of the Ponape girls would be allowed to leave the island without a written permit from the parents of each one. These permits were obtained. When shown to the governor, he said: “How do I know but all of these belong to the rebels; no Ponape girl will be allowed to leave the island.”

September 11 the Star sailed for Kusaie with Mrs. Rand, Miss Foss, Miss Fletcher, and twelve girls, Miss Palmer, Mrs. Cole, and the Ponape girls stopping at Kiti, September 13 the two men-of-war commenced shelling the Metalamim tribe. The first day they fired a few shots at Oua, then went into the Metalamim Harbor, lying there five days. While there they fired a great many times, but did not do a great deal of damage, excepting the great number of bread-fruit and other valuable trees destroyed. The colonel was killed there. The church, the king’s house, and all the rest of the houses at Tuman were burned. Friday, the 19th, the two men-of-war and two transports were anchored in the Oua Harbor. They kept up an incessant shelling all day Friday and Saturday forenoon. Soon after noon about three hundred soldiers tried to land, and after a short resistance the natives fell back into the bush (only about fifty of them, poorly armed), and they landed and burned all the mission houses. As soon as the houses were burned they went on board their vessels and returned to the colony. (A statement of property burned inclosed. See Appendix XI.) After a careful inquiry from those present at the burning of the house, I am satisfied that it was not a military necessity.

September 27 the Morning Star returned from Kusaie, bringing Mrs. Rand, Miss Foss, Miss Fletcher, and the girls. As the settlement of the trouble seemed farther off than it did when they left before, Mrs. Rand and Miss Foss returned to Kusaie taking five of the young men of the training school with them.

The majority of the mission thought all the ladies ought to go, but Miss Fletcher and Miss Palmer decided to stay, but deeply regretted it, when in less than forty-eight hours after the Star sailed the governor refused to let them leave the island.

October 3, the day after the Star sailed, the governor sent word that all meetings and schools were to stop till he gave permission for them to commence again.

October 11, went to see the governor about having my launch fixed. He asked me if I had received the letter sent me. I told him I had not. He then brought up a great many false accusations against me. He said that I had been inviting the rebel chiefs to my house and to feasts at Kiti, and that I had invited the Kiti King to my house. Also, that I was building a house at Kiti for the Metalamim rebels. Another, that I helped plan the breastworks at Oua. He also said that the Kiti people were all quiet and friendly to them till I went there and stirred them up. He said I could not have any schools or meetings of any kind with the natives. I could remain on the island, but if I disobeyed in one thing I would be sent from it.

He said he thought, as the mission were to blame for the trouble between the Metalamim tribe and the Spaniards, he did not think we would be permitted to resume our mission work.

Sincerely yours,

F. E. Rand.

Miss Palmer’s statement.

On the 25th of last June the Spanish force at Oua, under Lieut. Paros, was attacked by natives under two petty chiefs from Japalap and Kimakap. We heard the firing and shouting at about daylight. Nanpei, the native teacher in charge of the training school, went directly down the hill to see if he could do anything to save any [Page 465] part of the garrison. He found the priest, Father Augustine, and his assistant in their house and brought them up, at considerable risk to himself, as the people were very much excited. We put them upstairs in the smaller of the girls’ dormitories. Naupei’s wife and the young men belonging to the school saved and hid in Mr. Rand’s house five of the Manila men and one of the chiefs brought up another. The lieutenant was killed and many of the men and other officers.

In the afternoon two armed boats were sent around, but the men were driven back by the natives and did not reach the shore. While the boats were trying to reach the shore and all of the insurgents were collected there, the Manila men were brought down to the girls’ school and were put with the priests. When they found they could not reach the shore, they went back very quickly and brought around the Manila, but she got on a reef and was not gotten off until Sunday morning, the 29th.

The women and children down the hill were frightened when the Manila came up to the school, and stayed in the schoolroom and in the girls’ dining room. Our own girls, thirty of them, were crowded into Mrs. Cole’s bedroom and mine, and the women from the training school were in the kitchen and storeroom.

I kept all of the doors at the back of the house locked; also the door between the schoolroom and the rest of the house. The path in front of our yard is cut down, and some men sat there with their guns and watched the house. I could not see them from the lower rooms, but I knew they were there, and some of them came up into the yard. I was not much afraid of them for myself, except as they might dislike our sheltering those people and sending the priest’s letter to the governor.

Thursday morning Mr. Bowker came around with his wife. He heard of the attack Wednesday evening, but could not come, as the tide was out. He was very kind, and remained at Oua a great part of the time up to the coming of the Star, in August. In the afternoon, Capt. Narrhun, a German trader, was passing in his boat, and came in to urge Mrs. Cole and myself to go around to his place with him. I could not leave while Father Augustine and the others were in the house, but it seemed best to me that Mrs. Cole and Willie should go, as we were expecting that an attack might be made at any time. She finally consented to go, although she disliked to leave me, and she took with her seven of the girls from other islands. I also sent some of the girls from the other parts of the island to their homes. Eighteen girls remained with me.

At midnight on Thursday, when the moon went down, Mr. Bowker and Naupei took the priest and the Manila men out of the house, after looking about carefully to see that the coast was clear. All got off safely to the ship. One, the lay brother Trabenito, went off by himself just before dark, however.

I think they had begun to distrust us, and Mrs. Cole’s leaving with the girls helped to frighten them. They went in two parties to the edge of the mangrove swamp and there Naupei and the boys left them. Mr. Bowker took them through the swamp and then took them across the deep water in his canoe, leaving them on the reef, where they could easily walk to the ship.

It was only about two hours from the time they left the house until Mr. Bowker returned, but it seemed like an age.

I can not realize yet that those people were only in the house from Wednesday morning until midnight on Thursday. It seems as if it must have been at least a week.

On the 4th of July Mrs. Cole came back to Oua to get some things she and the girls needed. She stayed with me over night and went back some time the next day. The question of my going away, either to Kiti or to Jouniting, was brought up again, but it did not seem right to me to leave the houses and other mission property, and there was not immediate prospect of more fighting. Besides, I thought that perhaps I could do something toward persuading the people to obey the governor’s demands.

On Mrs. Cole’s return to Jouinting the governor sent for her and questioned her about going to Oua to celebrate the 4th. She was able to convince him, however, that that was not her purpose in going. I did not even know that was the 4th until some one mentioned it in the evening.

After this several letters came from the governor to the Metalamim chiefs, and Naupei and I were requested by him to translate them in Ponape, and to get the chiefs together and to try to persuade them to obey him. At first there was no high chiefs, except one, a boy, concerned in the trouble, and it seemed from the tone of the governor’s letters as if perhaps things could be settled without more fighting. We had nearly all of the chiefs together at the girls’ school once, and several of them I saw many times.

About the 20th of July Mrs. Cole came back again and remained until the 24th, when we all had orders to go to the governor to give testimony in regard to the outbreak. We started early in the morning in the rain, and came back late in the evening in the rain, Mrs. Cole and two of the children remaining at Jouinting. We [Page 466] were at the governor’s from about 10 in the morning until 4 in the afternoon. Mr. Bowker, Mrs. Cole, Naupei, and myself were questioned. The papers were written in Spanish and were not signed at the time.

By this time it seemed plain that there would be more fighting as soon as reinforcements arrived from Manila, and we had begun to send some things to Kiti, and had the governor’s permission to bring the schools here.

On the 20th of August our mission vessel, the Morning Star, came in, bringing Mr. Rand and his family and Miss Fletcher. We were all at Oua two weeks, and then went aboard the Morning Star with all of the scholars who remained with us.

We had the governor’s permission to take them on board, but in a few days this was countermanded—that is, as far as the Ponapeans were concerned—and permission to take any Ponape girls from the island, was refused.

When the Morning Star sailed, on the 11th of September, Mrs. Cole and I came around to Kiti, bringing with us the Ponape girls. We remained at Nalap, a little island on the reef, a few days, and then came over to the mainland, and have remained here in Solomon’s house since that time.

It is a very good native house of three rooms, and the chief has given it up almost entirely to our use. We are a little straitened for room, however, as there are twenty-one girls, Miss Fletcher, Mrs. Cole and her little boy, Solomon, and myself who must eat and sleep here.

While we were on board the Morning Star in Jamestown harbor I went with Capt. Garland, of that vessel, on board the Molina, where the interpreter read over to me paper in English, and I signed it. I did not know whether I had a right to demand an English copy, as I understood no Spanish, or not, and so I signed it in the Spanish.

I do not think I need to say that the time since the 25th of June has seemed very long, or that it has been a time of great anxiety to me, especially before the arrival of the Morning Star. I knew that the Spaniards looked upon the American missionaries as the cause of all their trouble with the Ponapeans, and that there are foreigners on the island, some of them Americans, who are ready to accuse us of anything, and there is not always time to prove that a story is false in time of war.

When Mrs. Cole went around to the colony, the day after the attack, she saw on the governor’s table two letters addressed to Naupei and to me, and his daughter told her that her father had written ordering us to come around and explain the outbreak.

She said it was very strange that it should have happened at the mission station. Mrs. Cole explained how impossible it was for us to leave the house, and the letters were not sent, but the feeling of distrust has remained, and has shown itself in many ways, although they chose for a time to avail themselves of our services.

The day I was questioned they would not believe that I did not know all about everyone concerned in the outbreak and all of Pol’s movements for several weeks before it occurred. I felt sure, when they were taking down what I said, that in two places where I insisted that I did not know, it was written down as if I said yes. When the paper was read over to me I found that this was so, but as I had, in the meantime, made inquiries and found that what was written was true, I did not object to it. I was not in a position to know very much about the natives and their movements, as the care and teaching of thirty girls confined me very closely to the house.

[Appendix IV.]

Commander Taylor to Governor Cadarso .

Sir: I have read with great interest your excellency’s letter of October, replying to mine of October 23, and have received from it much valuable information.

The testimony that I have received from natives and others is such that, if you would credit it, I believe that your opinion of the missionaries would be much modified, if not quite changed; but I recognize that your position on this point is not to be changed, and that, therefore, further discussion on this subject is not necessary.

I thank you sincerely for your answer to my first question, and for your assurance that American subjects in Ponape would always receive your kind protection.

I note also with grateful attention your reply to my second question, in which you propose as a certain means of assuring protection to the missionaries that they should establish themselves at your colony, near your seat of government. Also to my third question, that the missionaries’ church and school work may be resumed when tranquility is established.

[Page 467]

With regard to these two latter questions I am well convinced that your course of action is governed by the same justice and kindness which has always characterized your administration of public affairs. Nevertheless I have not felt justified in recommending to the missionaries to accept; those conditions, and have advised them, on the contrary, to withdraw from Ponape and retire to some other island, and there await the pleasure of the Spanish Government and the coming of the day when that Government will decide that the island has become tranquil, and that the missionaries can return to the full enjoyment of their former privileges.

The missionaries have decided to accept my advice if you will permit them to take with them certain native girls of Ponape and other islands, where they have in time past received them under pledge that they would personally take care of them.

Should you consent to this I will carry these people and their baggage away from the island in this ship. Such of their property as must remain here will be left in charge of Mr. Bowker and other friends until the arrival of the United States consuls who will be asked to take charge of it until the missionaries find some way of sending for it.

The young women whom Miss Fletcher and Miss Palmer wish to have go with them are from other islands—Rhoda, Esther, and Edith, from the Mortlock group; Aleta, from the Mokie Island; Myra, Lulu, Mary Jane Smith, and Nancy Oldham, from the Mokil Island; Elsie and Sophie Juniper, from the Marshall group; Nellie and Jael, from Pingalap Island. These girls were allowed to leave the island September 11, 1890. They returned here September 29, 1890.

From Ponape (at the mission school) Joanna, daughter of John de Silva Kiti, entered the school in 1886; Alice, daughter of Joanna, formerly of Pauperin Island, but given to mission school 1886; Julianna, an orphan (parents formerly of Mejijo) now dead, given to school in 1884; Molphine, daughter of Reuben of Oua, given to school in 1886; Dora, daughter of David, of Mejijo, given to school in 1886. Permission for these girls to leave the island had been previously granted by your excellency and they have returned to Ponape of their own accord last September.

In view of the fact that the missionary ladies would regard the leaving these girls as a sort of desertion of them, and if you understand that they have been given to the mission school many years ago, I am in hopes that your excellency will now grant the desired permission.

Mr. Rand requests that the following persons be allowed to accompany him, because they are domestics and a part of his household:

Llewellyn and Clara, from the Kiti tribe (married); Charles, a boy from the U. tribe; Bernard, formerly from the Kiti tribe, but living for some time with the second chief at Metalamim (this chief now lives in the Kiti tribe under the protection of your excellency); Samuel, a Mokiel boy; Minikish, an interpreter, now on board the Japanese schooner here.

While awaiting for your reply permit me, sir, to thank you for the kind and generous expressions of your letter of October, which have given me the greatest pleasure. I shall always esteem it a great honor to have been associated with your excellency, and shall be very proud if in the future I may be permitted to call so distinguished an officer my friend.

I am, sir, with highest respect, your excellency’s obedient servant,

H. C. Taylor,
Commander, U. S. Navy, Commanding U. S. S. Alliance.

His Excellency, etc.

[Appendix V.—Translation.]

Governor Cadarso to Commander Taylor.

His Excellency H. C. Taylor,
Commanding the United States corvette Alliance:

Mr. le Commandant: The reading of your official letter, dated yesterday, proves to me another time that the hopes which I had harbored of an amiable arrangement with regard to the American missionaries were justifiable.

I understood at once, from our first conference, that the noble admiral of the squadron to which the Alliance belongs had chosen for the arrangement of the diplomatic affairs which had originated here a chief who was an honor to a Navy so distinguished as that of the United States of America, and still more to the modest governor of that archipelago, who will always recollect with the greatest satisfaction the good offices and attentions which he has received from your excellency.

[Page 468]

I accept, therefore, with true gratitude the phrases of good will and kindness that you have addressed to me, as I accept with complete accordance the advice of your excellency, the departure of the missionaries from the island, as well as the American ladies, scholars, and people in their service, of whom you had the kindness to give the names in your letter, having for my part no other objection to their embarking on board the Alliance for the purpose of being taken to another island in accordance with the proposition that you have had the kindness to make to me.

In everything that relates to the rest of the American subjects resident in this archipelago you can be sure that they will enjoy all the privileges accorded by the Spanish minister of foreign affairs and that correspond to a friendly and loyal nation.

I beg that your excellency will henceforth count me among the number of his most attached admirers, and for you to remember, as I do with great pleasure, to a time in which we have been together working for the same purpose, having given our good will to the general welfare and peace of this country.

I am, etc.,

Luis Cadarso,
Governor of the Western Carolines.
[Appendix VI.—Translation.]

Affidavit of natives in re missionaries.

This letter is to testify that we, whose names are attached, have for many years known Mr. Rand and the lady teachers, and we have never known them to do anything to influence us, the people of Ponape, to refuse to obey the Spaniards or their religion, but have always counseled and taught us all, openly and privately, that we must obey the Spanish rule and keep the peace at all times.

We know they have always tried to do this in the Kiti tribe, theMetalanim tribe, and in all Ponape. They could not have influenced the natives of Ponape or taught them to do anything else but obedience and peace without our knowing it or hearing it at once. All statements to the contrary are wrong and false.

Nauamariki en Kiti (his x mark), Moto (his x mark), Nauken Kiti (his x mark), Naujausiriu Kiti (his x mark), Noj Kiti, Henry Naupei Kiti, Naumatam It Kiti, Nauana-en Kiti (his x mark), Jantey Metalamin (his x mark), Naiut lapulap Kiti (his x mark).

I affirm that the men themselves wrote names or made their mark.

Henry Naupei.

This Henry Naupei personally appeared before me and acknowledged his signature and affirmed the truth of the above.

H. C. Taylor,
Commander, United States Navy.

This letter is to testify that we, whose names are attached, have for many years known Mr. Rand and the lady teachers, and we have never known them to do anything to influence us, the people of Ponape, to refuse to obey the Spaniards or their religion, but have always counseled and taught us all, openly and privately, that we must obey the Spanish rule and keep the peace at all times.

We know that we have always tried to do this in the Kiti tribe, the Metalamin tribe, and in all Ponape. They could not have influenced the natives of Ponape or taught them to do anything else but obedience and peace without our knowing it or hearing it at once. All statements to the contrary are wrong and false.

Vajaien Jekoy, Tauk Jekoy, Tefit Jekoy, Uajai Jekoy (his x mark), Naujaom (his x mark), Naukiu (his x mark), Lepeu (his x mark), Marki (his x mark), Jetiu (his x mark), Naukai (his x mark), Luen (his x mark), Jaulik (his x mark), Japeteu (his x mark), Naulaim (his x mark), Jonlikiu (his x mark), Loap (his x mark), Noj (his x mark), Namviotau (his x mark).

I affirm that the men themselves wrote names or made their mark.

Nai Rafai (his x mark).

This Rafai personally appeared before me and acknowledged his signature and affirmed the truth of the above.

H. C. Taylor,
Commander, United States Navy.

[Page 469]

This letter is to testify that we, whose names are attached, have for many years known Mr. Rand and the lady teachers, and we have never known them to do anything to influence us, the people of Ponape, to refuse to obey the Spaniards or their religion, hut have always counseled and taught us all, openly and privately, that we must obey the Spanish rule and keep the peace at all times.

We know that they have always tried to do this in the Kiti tribe, the Metalamin tribe, and in all Ponape. They could not have influenced the natives of Ponape or taught them to do anything else but obedience and peace without our knowing it or hearing it at once. All statements to the contrary are wrong and false.

Nauamaradi en U, Uajai (his x mark), Nauana (his x mark), Naukiu (his x mark), Julioj, William, Jojef, Pimaj, Jaimon, Jon, Tepit, Pnaj, Ejka, Ezekaia, Moses, Illaij.

I affirm that the men themselves wrote name or made their mark.

I. William.

This letter is to certify that we, whose names are attached, have for many years known Mr. Rand and the lady teachers, and we have never known them to do anything to influence us, the people of Ponape, to refuse to obey the Spaniards or their religion, but have always counseled and taught us all, openly and privately, that we must obey the Spanish rule and keep the peace at all times.

We know that they have always tried to do this in the Kiti tribe, the Metalamin tribe, and in all Ponape. They could not have influenced the natives of Ponape or taught them to do anything else but obedience and peace without our knowing it or hearing it at once. All statements to the contrary are wrong and false.

Lepen Not (his x mark), Norijon Parceu (his x mark), Uajai Not (his x mark), Rionneu Roi (his x mark), Naumato en Kipar (his x mark), Jonen (his x mark), Pita (his x mark), Etnet (his x mark), Alekjeuta (his x mark).

I affirm that the men themselves wrote names or made their mark.


This Etnet personally appeared before me and acknowledged his signature and affirmed the truth of the above.

H. C. Taylor,
Commander, United States Navy.

This letter is to testify that we whose names are attached have for many years known Mr. Rand and the lady teachers; and we have never known them to do anything to influence us, the people of Ponape, to refuse to obey the Spaniards or their religion, but have always counseled and taught us all, openly and privately, that we must obey the Spanish rule and keep the peace at all times. We know that they have always tried to do this in the Kiti tribe, the Metalamin tribe, and in all Ponape. They could not have influenced the natives of Ponape or taught them to do anything else but obedience and peace without our knowing it or hearing it at once. All statements to the contrary are wrong and false.

Ejikia Uajai Motolomin (his x mark,) Jojuia (Nanpu en Matolomin) (his x mark.)

I affirm that the men themselves wrote names or made their mark.

[seal.] C. E. Bowker.

This C. E. Bowker personally appeared before me and acknowledged his signature and affirmed the truth of the above.

H. C. Taylor,
Commander United States Navy.

This letter is to testify that we, whose names are attached, have for many years known Mr. Rand and the lady teachers; and we have never known them to do anything to influence us, the people of Ponape, to refuse to obey the Spaniards or their religion, but have always counseled and taught us all, openly and privately, that we must obey the Spanish rule and keep the peace at all times.

[Page 470]

We know that they have always tried to do this in the Kiti tribe, the Metalamin tribe, and in all Ponape. They could not have influenced the natives of Ponape of taught them to do anything else but obedience and peace without our knowing it or hearing it at once. All statements to the contrary are wrong and false.

Nauamaraki en U, Uajai (his x mark), Nauana (his x mark), Naukiu (his x mark), Juliaj, Jojef, Piniaj, Puaj, Ezka, Sylvia, Moses, Alaij, Raimon, William, Jaimon, Jon, Tepit.

I affirm that the men themselves wrote names or made their mark.


This William personally appeared before me and acknowledged his signature and affirmed the truth of the above.

H. C. Taylor,
Commander United States Navy.

This letter is to testify that we, whose names are attached, have for many years known Mr. Rand and the lady teachers, and we have never known them to do anything to influence us, the people of Ponape, to refuse to obey the Spaniards or their religion, but have always counseled and taught us all, openly and privately, that we must obey the Spanish rule and keep the peace at all times. We know that they have always tried to do this in the Kiti tribe, the Metalamin tribe, and in all Ponape. They could not have influenced the natives of Ponape or taught them to do anything else but obedience and pence without our knowing it or hearing it at once. All statements to the contrary are wrong and false.

Uajai Kiti (his x mark), Jon Kiti (his x mark), Jautel Kiti (his x mark).

I affirm that the men themselves wrote names or made their mark.

C. E. Bowker.

This C. E. Bowker personally appeared before me and acknowledged his signature and affirmed the truth of the above.

H. C. Taylor,
Commander United States Navy.

[Appendix VII.—Translation.]

Confidential letter of Edgar, native.

Sir: Mr. Naupei; good day, sir. To-day I will show to you the doings which caused me to be made a prisoner not able to get away.

Sir, I do not know what is before me, whether I will be killed at Ponape or carried to Manila and kill there. I do not know, sir. Now when we were at Pantiaiun, that is the time I was put in irons. September 19th we went to Oua, and I was in irons till their battle was finish; then we came here, then after one week I went to Colony, because governor sent for me, I and the captain of the Tlolina. Now the governor and his principal officers were gathered together; also a priest to interpret. They then inquired of me about everything, for me to show them all things truthfully. I then said, I know nothing. They then said if you do not show us somethings in regard to Mr. Rand and Miss Palmer and Mr. Cole and Capt. Nanow and David; they all testify that your actions are very bad. I then asked him what? He answered, that you began the trouble, and that you sold to them guns and cartridges, and that you hated the lieutenant, and that you killed him, and that you also commanded in the fighting. I then answered, saying: Sir, truly God knows that all these things are false. I did not sell any gun or cartridges from my hands.

It was not I who kill the man, because I was at Na at the time, afterwards I went to Oua. At the time bout came I was at that place, but I did not fire a gun. He then said, all those things are true, because no one is with you, you are only one and they are many who testify against you, therefore you will not live, because you do not expose the acts of Mr. Rand and the others to pay for exposing your actions. I then said I have heard nothing from them. He then inquired in regard to Henry; I also said I know nothing; he then said that he knew everything about Henry; he then sent me back to this ship, where I am in irons. Sir, to day, Sunday, I sit down to write crying—my feet are in irons. Sir, they are very kind to me, serving me and [Page 471] giving me all I want. I think Jesus does move their hearts. Sir, I desire to be here knowing that I am strengthened by your prayers. Sir, I desire to beg something of you. Will you not be kind to me and do what I want you to. It will be good for you to write testifying to the falsity of everything that is not true of me, also testifying as to who killed the man, because I do not want to suffer for what some one else did. Sir, please beg Mr. Rand and Miss Palmer and Mrs. Cole that they make right with the governor who they have told him that was false, because he says it is they who have caused me to be in irons. If you and they can make it right with him I will be set at liberty. Sir, if you write the letter I desire, will you not also get some who love me to put their names to the same testifying that what you write is true. Sir, if you do this make two copies, send one to the governor and the other to me. The one to me to be in good English that I may have it to take to Manila if they send me there for trial. Sir, I beg you to write; don’t be afraid. All that has been said against me is false. That day I acted falsely that I might get from them honor. I said that I was fighting with them, but, sir, I did not. Sir, try and do what I desire of you; if you do not succeed I will be killed.

Good day, Sir Naupei. Again he says I am Paul Secratary; I said I was not, but that I used to interpret to foreigners for him, but that I stopped a long time ago. Probably he will ask you if this is true. My salutation to the missionaries, also Henry. You will pray for me. My salutation to you, Honored Naupei.

I, Henry Naupei, testify that Etkar, a prisoner aboard the Spanish-man-of-war, offered to me in the governor’s house Monday, October 20, a letter—I refused it. This letter was handed to me after I left the governors house by some one to whom the prisoner had given it. I also certify that the letter I send you, dated October 4, is that letter.

Henry Naupei.

Personally appeared before me this Henry Naupei and acknowledged his signature and affirmed the truth of the above.

H. C. Taylor,
Commander United States Navy.

[Appendix VIII.]

Statement of Mr. C. E. Bowker.

On June 26, 1890, the natives at Oua arose and attacked the Spanish troops and killed a number of them. At this time I was at my house, about 3 miles distant. I visited the scene of the action the next day. I knew that two lady missionaries were in the mission at Oua, Miss Palmer and Mrs. Coles, and my object was to be of any assistance to them or anyone else who might need it. * * *

My opinion is that there is no one specific cause for the trouble, but a general discontent, due to the general tenor of the Spanish treatment; to threats made by subaltern officers, and to a vague idea on the part of the natives as to what their rights really were; to the fear of being impressed for service, and to the fact that the Spanish authorities have not defined either their claims or intentions, or the rights of the natives.

Among the threats made was this one that they would drive the religious teachers of the natives away from the island. These threats were made in a way that would least compromise the Spanish authorities. * * *

When I arrived the Spanish troops had withdrawn. Those troops who had occupied the place before had been driven away. The troops returned to headquarters. Letters were sent by myself and Miss Palmer to the United States consul at Manila, and I believe sent with a letter from myself to Admiral Belknap at Yokohama, who ordered this vessel here.

Nothing occurred until the early part of September, when vessels arrived from Manila bringing about eight hundred men and large quantities of supplies. These ships and troops went first from Jamestown harbor to Metalamin harbor, 5 miles below Oua, about September 15th, where they effected a landing, losing some men and officers, among the latter being the colonel commanding. No natives were killed. A few days later the expedition appeared off Oua; they entered the harbor and shelled the country and landed about two hundred and fifty men. This force was resisted by a small body of natives who had thrown up some rough intrenchments. In the course o this fight a number of the Spanish troops and of the natives were killed or wounded.

[Page 472]

Following this the Spanish troops burned some of the houses belonging to the American mission. All of their buildings, in fact, which had not been destroyed by the shells from the ships, were set tire and destroyed with all their furniture and contents.

Mr. Rand having been absent from one and a half to two years returned in the month of August and took up his residence at the mission at Oua.

Before the expedition of September left Jamestown harbor, the governor informed Mr. Rand that he and the ladies must leave Oua, their mission work, as they would be in danger on account of the impending hostilities. They left Oua a few days before the expedition and proceeded to Kiti, on the opposite side of the island.

[Appendix IX.]

List of scholars at mission school.

Joanna, daughter of John de Silva, Kiti, entered 1886. Alice, daughter of Jorum, formerly of Paupinu, but given to mission school in 1885. Juliana, orphan; parents formerly belonging to Mijijo, but dead for several years. The girl was given to the mission school in 1884. Molpene, daughter of Reuben, of Oua. Girl given to mission school about four years ago. Dora, daughter of David, of Mijijo. Girl given to mission school four years ago on account of the death of her mother.

The written transfers from the parents to the mission school for the above scholars accompany this list, with the exception of one, Juliana, both of whose parents have been dead for several years. This girl’s nearest relative is a Kiti man in good standing.

Permission to leave the island was refused these scholars last September, but may now be obtained from the governor if the fact of their having been given to the mission school, years ago, be properly appreciated.

List of scholars from other islands.

Rhoda, Esther, and Edith, from the Mortlock group; Aleta, Myra, Lulu, Mary Jane Smith, and Nancy Oldham from the Mokil Islands; Elsie and Sophia Junipfer, from the Marshal group; Nellie and Jael, from the Pinglap Island.

The transfers of the most of these scholars from their parents to the mission school are in the hands of the teachers.

These same girls were allowed to leave the island by the present governor, some two months ago, and were only brought back by Miss Fletcher, September 29.

One couple from the Kiti tribe, Llewellyn and Clare; Charles, a boy from the U tribe; Bernard, formerly from the Kiti tribe, but living with the second chief in the Metalamin tribe. This chief has been in the Kiti tribe since September 11, under the protection of the governor. Samuel, a Mokel boy.


Majijo, September 6, 1890.

I, Elias, do to-day give to the girl’s school my daughter Frederika, to remain with the teachers wherever they may be.

Elias (his x mark).



Oua, September 6, 1890.

I, Ruben, of Metalamin, do give to the girl’s school at Oua my daughter Molysena, to remain with the teachers wherever they may be.

Ruben (his x mark).



Oua, September 6, 1890.

I, Joram, do to-day, give into the care of the girl’s school my daughter Alice, to remain with the teachers wherever they may be.

Joram (his x mark).


[Page 473]

Oua, April 22, 1886.

I, John de Silva, certify that I desire to have my daughter Joanna in the girl’s school at Oua. I agree to let her become a pupil of said school for six years, to be subject to all the rules of said school the same as all the other pupils and prepare for the same work—that is, the work of teaching.

I also certify that if I should die before the six years are ended, that Joanna belongs to Miss J. E. Fletcher, or a teacher of the school of that time.

John de Silva.

F. E. Rand.

Oua, Ponape, August 15, 1890.

This is to certify that I, David Lompuai lapalap en Metalamin, do this day of my own free will give entirely into the care of the teachers of the girl’s school at Oua, Ponape, said school belonging to the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, my daughter Dora, she to remain in said school and be under the sole care of the teachers in that school until such time as they shall consider her fitted to enter upon the work of teaching.

David Lompuai lapalap,

C. E. Bouker,
J. A. Edgar.

[Appendix X.]

Statement of Mr. Rand in regard to mission land of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions at Ponape.

The American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions own land at Oua, Ron Kiti, and Santiago. This land was given by the natives for mission purposes, and has been and is still used for the above purposes, excepting that at Santiago. The land at Oua is held by three separate deeds. First, the portion on which the church and Mr. Doane’s house was located. The deed for this was given about twenty-five years ago. The piece (about 7 acres) on which was located Mr. Rand’s, Dr. Ingersoll’s, and other mission houses.

The deed for this was given in 1882. The last deed was given in 1886. This was for all of the districts known as Oua, and included the first and second deeds. The land at Kiti was given in 1852 (copy inclosed). The land at Kenan was given at two different times. The portion known as Kenan was given more than twenty-five years ago. This was occupied by Mr. Doane till he was crowded out by the Spaniards in 1887.

The other deed is for a piece of land called Meginitin; it is the land now occupied by the colony and was given to the mission in 1880 (copy of deed inclosed). It is adjoining to the land spoken of as Kenan. Mr. Doane gave the first governor Mejinsoie, and he and his successor, the present governor, crowded him out of more than half of Kenan. The present governor finally settled with Mr. Doane by promising to pay $2,000 (I think that was the amount), but he did not keep his promise. We have never received a cent.

We do not waive our claim to the $2,000, or the rest of the Kenan land not turned over to them by Mr. Doane.

I send you this statement hoping you will bring the matter before our Government that they may take steps towards having the Spanish Government acknowledge our rights to the above lands. And I also ask that you return the deeds given to Governor Cadarso in 1887. We only ask that the Spanish Government treat us as becomes American citizens residing on Spanish soil.

We, the undersigned, Nanakin and chiefs of Roan Kiti, do hereby certify that a certain plot of land known as the “mission premises” at the mouth of the Roan Kiti River was, in the year 1852, donated by our predecessor, the former Nanakin, to the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, and that for the sixteen years last past said board has held fall and undisputed possession of said land, and that we do from this date confirm said mission board in its full and lawful possession of said [Page 474] lands, hereby promising to protect said board from the aggressions of any and all persons whatsoever trespassing on said mission lands.

Nanakin en Ten Kiti (his x mark).

Uajai en Kiti (his x mark).

Noj Kiti (his x mark).

Lepen Telur (his x mark).

Nanaatan en Palon (his x mark).

Signed in my presence.

W. T. Truxtun,
Commander, United States Navy.

E. T. Doane.

A true copy.

W. T. Truxtun, Commanding U. S. S. Jamestown.

Be it known to all whom it may concern, I, Lepen Not, and I, Jonon en Metep, we severally and conjointly do this of our own free will and consent make over to Edward T. Doane, or his successor, whomsoever it may be, that portion of the loud known by the name of Mejinion, beginning at the mouth of the stream named Tan en Un, and following the middle of that stream till it strikes the boundary of Mr. J. Kubary’s land, then passing rather westerly till it reaches the boundary of the land known as Iolinia, then deflecting north on that boundary till it reaches salt water. This piece of land we make over as above stated to be held and known as the land of the Jonlan Kan or Christians.

We set our names or titles or make our marks to this paper in the presence of these witnesses.

Marau or their titles.

Lepen Not.

Joan Mettep.

Kron Ruc.

Nano en Maitik.

[Appendix XI.]

Estimated value of mission, property burned at Oua.

Cost. Wear and tear. Value.
Mission church, built in 1870. (More than $1,000 has been spent on additions and repairs $2,000 $500 $1,500
Mr. Doane’s house, built in 1873. (Repairs $500) 2,000 1,000 1,000
Revolving library table 50 20 30
Baby organ 35 10 25
Medicines 25 25
Ponape New Testament (Katate Kap Ko) 20 20
Mr. Doane’s library 300 150 150
Mortlock books 15 15
Household utensils 20 10 10
Three tables 30 15 15
Three lounges 26 12 14
Water tank (400 gallons) 35 17 18
Eight pairs window sash 30 10 20
Bookcase 36 18 18
Church bell 250 50 200
Girls’ school library, built in 1884. (Original cost $2,000; addition and repairs $1,000) 3,000 500 2,500
Household goods in above building 225 60 165
Small house for domestics, near girl’s, built in 1886 85 25 60
Dr. Ingersoll’s house, built in 1887 600 75 525
Household goods in above 80 25 25
Mr. Rand’s house, built in 1882. (Original cost $1,100; additions and repairs $600) 1,700 450 1,250
Ponape books in above house, new 2,000 2,000
Mr. Rand’s library 500 200 300
Other personal and mission property in Mr. Rand’s house 175 65 110
House occupied by Naupei en Kiti Anst, teacher in training school, built in 1886 250 25 225
School house near Mr. Rand’s house, built in 1886 250 30 220
Dormitory for young men’s training school, built in 1886 250 30 220
Three houses for couples in training school 275 50 225
Five iron water tanks, pipes, and other fixtures 225 25 200
Total $14,517 $3,403 $11,114
[Page 475]

Don Luis Cadarso y Rey, governor of the Eastern Carolines.

I do hereby give notice:

It is prohibited, until further orders, any meetings of whatever nature, in this island, between natives and foreigners.
It is, in the same way, prohibited to build neither churches nor houses without permission of my authority; who acts contrary to this order will be liable to a fine of $100.
He that does not obey the article 1, concerning meetings, will be subject to the military ordinances, on account of being the country in time of war.

Luis Cadarso.

Don Luis Cadarso, governor of the Eastern Caroline Islands.

I do hereby give notice:

According news that I have received for the schooner Fowler, will arrive very soon the military expedition, and I recommend to all the chiefs of Metalamin tribe, to accomplish in the term of four days, the following conditions, in order that all the tribe should not be destroyed:

To deliver all the arms and munitions of the tribe.
Presentation to the government house, of the Chiefs Rogin Metalamin, Krouni-letau in Tapalau, Manliam, Nanpue in Kiuakap, Taulik, Taul, Nauchas, Re-rim, Namalie and Marrekiulau, in order to do their discharges.
To begin to gather good woods, to continue the built of the fort when the troops arrive.

The governor,
Luis Cadarso.

[El commandante de la division naval de las Caroline Orientales.—Particular.]

Rev. Mr. Rand:

Dear Sir: You always know that the country is in state of war, and for some reason, meanwhile this exceptional state continue, it must not have any meetings, who may be dangerous.

It is to my know that in these last days it was a meeting of a great many people in that house, and I will be very sorry that that be true, for you already know the considerations that I always have kept you; but now I have to be severe, with all who fault to my orders.

I beg you don’t have any meetings that now should be able be dangerous for all, and you already know, that in other circumstances, I should have pleasure in permit them to you.

I am, dear sir, yours surely,

The governor,

Luis Cadarso.

[Appendix XII.]

Governor Cadarso to Miss Palmer .

[The governor and el commandante de la division naval de las Caroline Orientales.—Particular.]

To Miss Palmer, Oua.

I am satisfied of knowing that Kroun is resoluted to deliver the guns; of that manner he will avoid greater evil to those which who didn’t meddle in anything.

I hope that Monday, will come Etquer, to deliver all the guns, who fault of the department, who are 41, and besides all of different system, that I know who had the natives.

When you are disengaged, I will have want that you come here, for I am instructing a cause upon the success, and I want to take your declaration.

The same day that you come, may come also Mr. Charles Bowker, Nau Per and Etquer.

I remain, dear miss, your most obedient servant,

Luis Cadarso.
[Page 476]

Governor Cadarso to Miss Palmer .

[The governor and el commandante de la division naval de las Carolinas Orientales.—Particular.]

To Miss Anne Palmer:

Dear Miss: How Mrs. Cole will have told you, my wish is please you in all I am able.

At the establishment there, by imperious necessity of the department who will guarantee the order and peace in the country, is of absolute necessity the installation of a missionary who attend them, how Catholics that they are, and that he stops near of the troops.

I regret that are not more distant place of the church that there had, who reunite the conditions of healthfulness; by this reason the reverend missionary, Mr. Augustine, is in want of build it in the indicated place, but I offer you that this will not violate the liberty of action that you have, nor will prejudice you in the least, and they will put a palisade in order to separate completely it.

By the rest, only wish to please you, your most obedient servant,

Luis Cadarso.

Clandestine overture by rebel chief.

I salute you, my father, my teacher, you Mr. Rand, this is how I write you.

I want you to show the captain my love. I would like to see him but can not on account of the difficulties.

If you can’t influence the Spanish leave it to God to help us who are in trouble. I want to know the sentiment of the captain—if he will befriend us, or is he going to assist the Spanish, will he send to protect us guns and powder.

Nai Poi.

I have declined to hold any communication with these Metalamin, who are rebels to the Spanish authority, but this letter was brought aboard here by an unknown native boat, and I have taken copy and rough translation made by Bowker, but I have declined to reply in any way, but have said to all around me that the United States was a friend of Spain’s and would so remain and would not help Spain’s enemies.

H. C. Taylor, Commander.

[Appendix XIII.]

Chronological table.

[Page 477]
1852. Mission established at Ponape and Strong Islands by Messrs. Sturgis, Gulick, Snow.
1853. Small-pox on island; 5,000 deaths; missionaries vaccinate.
1854. Mr. Doane arrives.
1860. First converts.
1865. Mission moved from Kiti to Oua.
1874. Mr. Rand and Mr. Logan arrive. First native teachers sent out.
1882. Miss Fletcher arrives and establishes boarding school for girls.
1885. Miss Palmer arrives. German man-of-war hoists flag in all Carolines.
1886. (March.) German flag hauled clown by German man-of-war. (July.) Spanish man-of-war hoists flag of Spain.
1887. (March.) Arrival of Spanish transport La Manila, with governor, six priests, seventy-five soldiers. Headquarters established at Jamestown Harbor. (April 14.) Mr. Doane arrested and imprisoned on La Manila. (July 8.) Mr. Doane arrives at Manila for trial by governor-general.
1887. (July 4.) Massacre of the governor and the Spanish troops by natives. Store ship held in siege. (September 1.) Return of Mr. Doane from Manila. (November 1.) Governor Don Luis Cadarso takes charge of Ponape. (November 19.) U. S. S. Essex arrives. (November 24.) U. S. S. Essex sails. (—— 10.) Peace settled between the natives and Spaniards.
1889. (January.) Mr. Rand leaves for the United States.
1890. (February.) Mr. Doane leaves for Honolulu. (May.) Mr. Doane dies at Honolulu. A force consisting of one lieutenant, one priest, and thirty soldiers leave for Oua to begin building church and priest’s house.
1890. (June 20.) Twenty more troops sent to Oua. (June 25.) Natives massacre all Spanish troops, except five soldiers and one priest. (August 20.) Mr. Rand arrives in Morning Star at Jamestown Harbor. (August 21.) Mr. Rand goes to Oua. (August 28.) Governor gives Mr. Rand letter to king with terms of surrender. (September 1.) Arrival of ships from Manila with 1,000 troops. (September 3.) Missionaries leave Oua and embark on Morning Star. (September 4.) Morning Star inspected by Spanish officer. (September 11.) Morning Star sailed for Kusaie, taking several of the missionaries. (September 12.) Governor proclaims martial law. (September 13.) Men-of-war begin shelling Metalamin; death of colonel commanding troops. (September 19.) Men-of-war and transport anchor at Oua. (September 20.) Three hundred troops land and burn all property, including that of American mission. (September 27.) Morning Star returns with missionaries. (September 28.) Morning Star returns to Kusaie. (October 1.) Governor refuses Miss Fletcher and Miss Palmer permission to leave island. (October 11.) Governor forbids missionaries to hold meetings. (October 15.) U. S. S. Alliance arrives. (November 3.) U. S. S. Alliance sails for Kiti. (November 4.) U. S. S. Alliance sails for Kusaie. (November 10.) U. S. S. Alliance sails for Nagasaki.

Mr. Smith to Mr. Blaine.

Dear Sir: An important mail was received yesterday, bringing fresh tidings from Ponape, both from our missionaries there and from Capt. H. C. Taylor, U. S. Navy, commanding the U. S. S. Alliance, which had visited Ponape, counseled with the missionaries, and returned to Nagasaki.

I inclose herewith copies of important letters and statements. Doubtless much of the information thus contained will reach you directly through the communications which Capt. Taylor will send to the Navy Department. It is clear from these documents that events have moved very rapidly in Ponape since the last tidings which we had received. Our missionaries are now all removed from Ponape to Kusaie, an island some 300 miles distant. This step was made needful in the judgment of Capt. Taylor for the personal safety of our missionaries. The churches and schools upon the island of Ponape are all closed, mission work of every form is suspended, and mission property at Oua, the main center of work, has been all destroyed by fire at the hands and by command of the Spanish authorities.

One of the letters inclosed, written by Mr. Rand at Kiti on September 20, will show distinctly that this destruction of the mission property was contrary to the promise which the governor had made to Mr. Rand, and without the least provocation of any sort on the part either of Mr. Rand or any other of our missionaries. Indeed, the services of Mr. Rand were made use of by the Spanish governor as a mediator between himself and the people at Oua, and in every respect Mr. Rand and the ladies there had proved themselves friendly to the Spanish authorities, and in earnest to bring about peace between the lawful authorities and the rebellious natives. The unfriendliness of the Spanish authorities is denoted in an emphatic way by the fact that after the destruction of the homes of our missionaries by his command no other residences were offered to them in place of those which had been destroyed, no regrets were expressed for the inconvenience to which they were put, no offer of compensation for the loss they had incurred. The act appears to be wanton and unjustifiable in every point of view, and lays a most powerful claim upon our Government to deal promptly and decisively with the Spanish Government, both in the way of indemnity for loss incurred and in the way of peremptory demand for the reinstatement of the missionaries in their homes and in their work, and security for their peaceful continuance in the same.

The letter of Mr. Rand, referred to above, dated September 20, seems to show that the Spanish authorities have made a discrimination between the German subjects resident at Ponape and American subjects resident there, and against the latter. The self-respect and dignity of our nation will not permit such a manifest partiality and injustice. The treaty rights between Washington and Madrid, established at the time when Spain set up her jurisdiction in the Caroline Islands, insured, as I supposed, the continuance of our missionaries in their residence and work in Ponape and the rest of the Caroline Islands, and their protection while they continued in the peaceful prosecution of that work. Step by step the Spanish authorities have encroached upon mission property and ignored the rights of missionaries and inflicted personal injury upon Mr. Doane without any adequate compensation, [Page 478] and now have dispossessed our missionaries of their homes and work, have destroyed their homes and all their contents, and have virtually banished them from the islands.

If our Government under these conditions does not both demand and secure instant and ample reparation for these wrongs, what confidence can our citizens engaged in similar work anywhere in the world have in the strong or good purpose of their Government? What respect will our Government rightfully claim at the hands of the Spanish or any other power whose supposed interest will conflict with the observance of treaty rights and the claims of natural humanity? It is more than a question of protecting a few men and women at the island of Ponape. It is a question of the honor and dignity of our Government. Our missionaries have labored for more than thirty years in these islands and not a hair of their heads has been touched. They have by their deeds won the love and confidence of the natives. The Spanish authorities had not been on the island three months before there was open rebellion, the governor and his soldiers slaughtered, and now scarcely three years have passed and the rebellion has broken out afresh and taken larger dimensions. The difference is striking, and the comment it makes upon the spirit and purpose of the two movements is most impressive.

It seems to be plainly the purpose of the Spanish authorities to keep our missionaries out of Ponape and bring their work there to an end; and this is done at the hands of the Spaniards, one of the Christian nations of the world.

The heathen Emporer of China does nothing of the kind to the missionaries of our board or any other board that works within his Empire. The pagan kings and chiefs of Africa do not treat our missionaries so. And since the Spanish authorities in Ponape have gone so far in their unreasonable opposition as to violate property rights and personal rights, the exigency has plainly come which demands on the part of our Government immediate and adequate treatment.

We can not for a moment doubt that our Government will recognize the situation and will deal with it promptly and according to the manifest proprieties of the case. It is to be hoped that the Spanish authorities at Ponape both have transgressed instructions from Madrid, and will be promptly rebuked by the Government at Madrid. But it plainly is needful that the sense which our Government has of this course of events and its purpose to maintain with dignity and firmness every proper right of its subjects should be properly represented to the Government at Madrid.

In behalf of the great board which I have the honor to represent, numbering among its constituents the most intelligent and patriotic and worthy citizens of the land from east to west,

I am, etc.,

Judson Smith,
Foreign Secretary American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions.

Miss Fletcher’s journal of events.

We arrived on Ponape about sunrise this morning; we came in at the Kenan Harbor; there we had to wait for the Spanish health officer to come on board; he soon made his appearance; the next step was the captain to visit the governor; we were anxious for his return, thinking he would get back in time to take us round to the mission station Oua that afternoon; but what was our surprise on his return to learn the M. S. could not go to Oua. It was a time of war. Oua was the contested ground, no vessel could enter there; worse still, none of our natives could come on board. We settled ourselves as best we could that night; the next day the captain took his boat and we all went ashore. We arrived at the station about dark. The natives were rejoiced to see us, and welcomed us as warmly as if there were no trouble; as soon as we could pass the crowd on the shore we went on up to the home, but it was only to find the work of years laid low. Miss Palmer and Mrs. Cole were still there and some of the girls, others having gone to their native homes. The question which now presented itself was, what were we to do? If the battle took place at Oua we could not remain in our homes. For two weeks we labored hard to bring about some settlement between the parties, but to no purpose; in the meantime two men-of-war made their appearance.

Tuesday, September 2.—We received notice from the governor to-night; the fighting is likely to occur any time after to-morrow morning; soon we must go somewhere. I had asked permission from the governor to take the girls on board the Star for protection; it was granted.

The tide would make between 5 and 6 o’clock in the morning. All must be ready to go by that time; with a heavy heart I had prayers with the children, trying to [Page 479] get them to bed early that they might have a few hours of sleep; this being done, we completed our preparation for departure; at 4 all was again astir; the children were all got ready and placed on the veranda; at a quarter past 5 all were ready to move, if waited till every one was out, then closed the last door and turned the key, and the house was desolate.

That early morning procession by those who saw it is something not soon to be forgotten. The first mate from the Star had come in his boat to take us off. Finally we arrived on board. The next day the captain called on the governor to get his sailing papers; but to his surprise found he could not obtain them till he anchored up between the two men-of-war. “The Star was too far away from the colony, she must come nearer.” Why? That was a question we could not answer; but there was nothing to do but obey; so we got up steam and anchored right between the vessels. The officers came on board. “Every one on deck” was the first order. They looked at the girls, asked if they were Americans, and so on, entirely forgetting apparently that they had given permission to bring them on the Star. They then told us we could not keep the girls without the written consent of their parents; we told them if they would give us a day or two we would obtain this; we had no trouble in getting the papers; we took them to the governor, but what was our surprise to learn the papers would do no good; the girls’ parents were rebels against Spain, and nothing belonging to a rebel could be protected; our hearts sank within us; the girls must go; we now began to see the object in some things. The next question was the foreign girls; they, too, were Spanish subjects; we trembled every moment for fear some command would come for them. To the mind of all one thing was plain: the foreign girls must be taken out of the way for a time, but where would they go and who would go with them? It seemed to me I could do anything on earth but leave the island. The station of Kiti was safe; for a time some of us could go there, but who would go on the Star? Long and earnestly did I plead with Miss Palmer and Mrs. Cole to let me stay, but no, Miss Palmer thought she never could undertake the voyage with the children, while at the same time everyone felt our only hope of a school lay with these foreign girls. Could I go? I was so tired of rolling and tossing on the deep. Could I undertake the care of twelve girls, and, worse still, how could I leave the other dear people, though it was evident enough nothing could be done for them at present?

Thursday, 11.—We left Ponape at noon to-day; the dear girls occupy a small room by the side of my state room; we are a sad company.

Friday, 12.—All the girls except two or three are so seasick; they can not get up; it is very stormy.

Saturday, 13.—This is a very stormy day; how tired we are, being rocked to and fro. Oh, for a home on land! The two or three girls that are well gathered round me on a little mat, the rest lying on the floor, and thus we tried to have worship; my heart ached for them as they tried to sing, “Our way is often rugged while here on earth we roam.” It is one thing to be sheltered by a good home in Micronesia, and another thing to be homeless wanderers on the deep.

Sunday 14, 1890.—It has been one squall after another to-day; I think I never saw a more stormy time than this.

Wednesday, 16.—We arrived at Kusaie last evening. The girls and I will be alone to-day; the captain and other passengers are going ashore; the plan is to stay here to-day and to-morrow, and Friday we are to start on our return to Ponape.

Thursday, 17.—Miss Little has kindly come on board to stay with me while we are in port, so I shall not be alone.

Saturday, 19.—We are to leave for Ponape to-day.

September 26, 1890.—We are now in sight of Ponape; we shall soon be anchored. The news that reached us is sad enough; the mission premises are entirely destroyed. The fighting commenced Friday, 12th, and the next Saturday, September 20, about 300 Spaniards went on shore and burned the church, Mr. Rand’s house, Dr. Ingersoll’s, and the “interior.” The only thing left of the latter are the keys; these I had with me. Our very souls are filled with sorrow; that beautiful home where so many have been trained for the Lord, and which has been to you such a heavy expense, is laid in ashes. Think not that we left sooner than was necessary; most gladly would we have stayed and protected it had it been possible. The question now is, Shall we go to Kiti and try to make a station there; we are now on our way to the governor’s to ask if the Star may anchor at Kiti. If so, I think I shall go ashore and try to hold the school together there. If they only had not destroyed our houses—but this seems too much, especially since there has not been the slightest aggression on the part of the mission. We have ever given all our influence to keep peace on the island, and more than once would things have been ten times worse for the Spanish had not the mission stood between.

October 3, 1890.—The Star left to-day for the east. Mrs. Rand and Miss Foss have gone to Kusaie. After much thought the rest of us decided to stay on Ponape for the present. When it came to keeping the foreign girls here in all the trouble we [Page 480] hesitated considerable. I wanted Miss Palmer to take them and go to Kusaie, but she did not want to leave me here alone, and so long as the Ponapean girls can not go, I can not see my way clear to leave the school, at least till I hear from you. If we go now we can not get back for some months.

October 5, 1890.—The governor sent me word to-day I must have no more school with the girls. All the meetings are also stopped. What are we to do; how can we take care of the girls if we can not have school with them? Already they have lost more than they will gain in three years, not in books alone, but in everything. Three years ago our island was in a prosperous condition, but things have gone from bad to worse, till to-day sees all our schools and churches closed. What have we or they to hope for?

October 15, 1890.—Late last night news reached us that a company of 270 soldiers had left the colony and was coming overland to Kiti. Why or what for no one knows. A native has just come in, saying the army is within 3 miles of us. (We have been hearing heavy firing on the other side all day to-day.) This, with the news that has just reached us, is, indeed, a heavy care. One of our good, natives has gone down to the river to watch for the army, and if they turn into the path leading to Solomon’s house, where we are staying, he is to come and tell us.

October 16, 1890.—We were all seated on the porch yesterday when the native, who had gone to watch, came running back and said the army was coming to our house. We had only time to get the girls in the house when the first soldier made his appearance. Mr. Bowker happened to be here; he and I sat on the porch. Miss Palmer and Mrs. Cole were with the girls. Our first thought was they might pass on down the hill, but we soon learned this was not their intention. The yard was soon filled with men, and still they came. The officers occupied a few chairs, saved from the wreck at Oua, on the veranda. Things passed on quietly; they at once began preparations for the night; we soon decided we should prefer to have our charge a little farther away, so the girls and we went over to another’s house to spend the night, and gave them complete possession. About 5 o’clock this morning we heard the bugle blow, the signal for rising; soon after they were gone. We came back to the house; they have gone on to Uarrener. What they took this long march overland for is a question we can not answer; every movement now seems mysterious.

October 17, 1890.—This morning about 4 o’clock we were awakened by a rap at the door. What now? was my first thought, but the well-known voice of our chief Nanapei called out, a letter; an American man-of-war in port. I wonder if you can realize what a feeling of relief it brought. Mr. Rand and Nanapei left at once to go on board, promising to send some word back as soon as possible.

October 20, 1890.—A letter has come from Capt. Taylor, of the American man-of-war, asking us to consider the question of going for a time to a place of safety. I can not find it in my heart to go unless I can take the school with me.

October 22, 1890—Mr. Bowker came from the man-of-war to-night with word from Capt. Taylor that if possible he must have our decision by Saturday; we have sent word to him we will try and leave the matter to him and be guided by his judgment.

October 25, 1890.—Capt. Taylor sent one of his officers around to say it is his judgment and counsel we leave the island for a time. Long and earnestly did we talk this matter over. The reasons in favor and against this removal I can not write you now, but they are many. Lieut. Wood has now withdrawn and we are left alone to form a decision. Oh, dear friends in the home land, worlds for your counsel and judgment to-night. The only choice we have in the matter is to go and live in the Spanish colony or leave the island; the governor will no longer let us remain at Kiti or on any part of the island except with them. Under these circumstances what would you have us do? We feel that in Capt. Taylor we have a true friend, and we doubtless can not do better than depend on his judgment. He believes us to be in more danger than we realize, and is quite unwilling to leave us on the island while he goes away to report the state of things here. Fully do I realize the blood of the covenanters is not a good thing to have just at this time and place. With the burning of Protestant schools and churches and so on and so on, it mixes not well. To see the looks of satlness and discouragement that pass over the faces of our Christian people when we talk to them of going would melt the heart of anyone. “What will we do when you are all gone, what have you done that you have to leave?” are hourly questions now, to all of which we can only answer, we know nothing. They can not dread to see us go worse than we dread to leave, even if it is only for a time, but we can reason; they can not. Seeing our home is destroyed, our work taken from us, and we are confined to one spot on the island, it is a question worth considering if more permanent good will not come from a dignified removal than to stay amid the insults that are being heaped upon us here.

November 2, 1890.—A letter has just come from the American man-of-war, saying he has informed the Spanish that the conditions under which the missionaries can remain are such that he has advised us to withdraw for a time, and we have accepted the advice. Our vessel is to come for us to-morrow; we go to Kusaie. Capt. Taylor has [Page 481] succeeded in getting the governor’s consent to take most of the girls with us; some few who have good homes we will leave for the present. This is the darkest day of my life; our poor people feel perfectly discouraged, and no wonder; we have done all, everything we can, to so arrange things that we could still go oil with the work here, hut we can not do it, and once more in the history of the world His poor despised followers must arise and go. Those in authority seem unable to comprehend the fact that the very moment the missionaries left the island then worse trouble than ever had happened came; could Mr. Doane only have remained till someone else came things would never have become so bad, and yet right in the face of the fact that the missionaries were gone, the whole trouble is thrown on the mission. The Lord forbid that they should learn by sad experience that the work of the Lord has been their greatest protection here. After people have had almost forty years of light you may kill them, but you cannot enslave them. If the people are so very fierce how does it happen that missionaries have lived here all these years and never been touched? Even when the island was entirely heathen, did not Mr. Sturges and others live among them, and were they ever touched? So far from that his memory is held sacred among them. To what earthly power do these people owe all the light and peace and happiness that has ever come to them? What nation came here and taught them that there was something better than war, better than heathen dances, better than whisky; that there was a higher sphere for their waives and daughters than to be treated like animals—and more yet, that there is one God and Father who created them for his glory? Who, by substantial evidence, can prove one evil the American mission ever brought to or taught these people? And has not her work among them been a truly charitable one? What earthly good has she obtained for years of service given, for lives sacrificed, for funds expended? She asks for no earthly reward, but we are unwilling to see the rights of citizens of a nation friendly to Spain completely blotted out. We are unwilling to bear the insults and charges so unjustly brought against us. And, though we withdraw from her island, until convinced by sound and substantial evidence and by the word of God we can and will recant nothing we have ever done or said in regard to Spain or to any of her representatives here.

Kusaie, November 6, 1890.—That the work of forty years should be a failure; that all the time and life and money spent on Ponape should be lost, we are slow to believe. Eight now is the time for action. Why, then, is the mission on Kusaie? To gather ourselves together to be placed in the future on Ponape in a position where we can work, where we can move, worthy of our calling and of the board who has committed this work to our care. If we as a board, as a mission, as a church, can afford to endure the heavy loss that will be ours if we permanently leave Ponape, is a question that will bear thinking about. May the Lord help you to come to a wise and just decision. We will do our best to keep the pupils we have with us all right. We will anxiously await some word from you.


J. E. Fletcher.

Mr. Rand to Mr. Smith.

Dear Dr. Smith: I wrote you the 8th informing you in regard to the trouble between the Spanish forces and the Metalimin tribe at Oua, June 25. Until this trouble the training school, under Henry Nanpei’s care, and the fourteen churches under the care of the three ordained teachers whom Mr. Doane left in charge, were in a prosperous condition. Since then everything has been going down. Henry has done nobly with the school, or rather schools, as Miss Palmer could not have kept the girls together without him. He has also been a great help to the preachers and teachers in keeping up the meetings and schools at the fourteen villages where there are churches. He has had a great and responsible burden to bear and he has borne it well. With a more capable person in Miss Palmer’s place, to advise him and the other preachers in charge of the work, there is a possibility the trouble may have been avoided. Miss Palmer was placed in a very trying position and she did just as well as she could. I found sixteen young men and five couples in the training school. One couple and two of the young men belonging to Oua remained there when we came to Kiti. I am doing all I can to keep the Christians in the other tribes from helping the Metalimin tribe. Henry is a great help in this. If the governor does not stop us from holding meetings, Henry and Solomon may be able to hold most of the people in this, the Kiti tribe. In regard to the Jekoity, Nut, and U, I am not so sure. Some from each of these tribes are already in it, and I do not know how soon the rest will go. I do not go about so much as I should if [Page 482] the governor had not forbidden me to hold meetings in the Metalimin tribe, and hinted that he did not want any meetings in any of the tribes.

It is hard to tell just how much the doings of the lieutenant at Oua; which led to the trouble, is chargeable to the governor; but one thing is certain, he permitted them. From the fact that the governor allowed the lieutenant to build their church and priest’s house right up against our church and upheld him in all his efforts to compel the natives to accept the Catholic religion, and from many things I heard in my interviews with the governor, I fear it is the intention of the Spanish Government to drive the mission from Ponape. We hope a consul will come soon if we are to have one. One of the first things for him to do is to see that our deeds are returned. The governor sent them to Manila three years ago, saying that they would be returned in less than a year. If they are returned without being acknowledged he will need to see that that the Spanish Government does the same by Americans that he does by Germans. A number of deeds given to Germans have been acknowledged, hut not one of the many held by Americans. We had copies of the deeds at Manila, but I can not find more than two of them, Kiti and Mejinian; Mr. Doane had the others. Mr. Oldham or Mr. W. W. Hall may know of them; please get them, if possible, and send by consul. If there are any Ponape deeds registered at Boston, will you kindly get a copy of each and send me; also a copy of the one given to Mr. St urges for mission purposes, a part of Oua. This was given some time between 1864 and 1873. Yesterday there was incessant firing from the ships. We think it was at Oua.

Monday, September 22.—News from Oua this morning. The firing we heard Friday was at Oua. There were four war vessels around them. The shells destroyed a great many breadfruit and cocoanut trees. Saturday two or three hundred Spaniards landed at Oua. After a severe battle, most of it being on the flats while they were trying to land, they succeeded in burning most of the native houses, the church, and schoolhouse; also all the mission houses. They then hurried on board their ships, pulled up anchor and were off for the colony, with the report that they had killed hundreds of the natives, Paul, the king, and most of the leaders of the trouble included. They only killed three natives; a number were wounded. From all we can hear, it seems that they maliciously destroyed every vestige of mission property. The houses were badly shattered before they applied the torch. I am sorry now that I did not bring all I could of the things in the houses at Oua around to Kiti. I should have done so, but the governor and colonel were so sure that our houses would not be destroyed I thought it was not necessary. I asked the governor if there was not danger that his men would burn our houses when they destroyed the native houses. He assured me it would be very easy for his soldiers to distinguish between a native house and a foreign.

October 2.—The Morning Star leaves us to day. It seems best for Mrs. Rand and Miss Foss to take a part of the training school to Kusaie and remain for awhile. It will relieve me of much anxiety to have them go, and, too, I shall be much freer to go about. I can live very comfortably with Henry. Perhaps by the time the Star returns things will be in a more settled state, though we can not tell. We are all well.

Yours, fraternally,

F. E. Rand.

Mr. Rand to Mr. Smith.

Dear Dr. Smith: Since arriving at Ponape I have written you twice. No. 1 goes with this; No. 2 was sent October 2. Since then our situation has been getting more and more complicated and critical. On the return of the Morning Star from Kusaie, September 27, she brought word that it was the opinion of all the missionaries there that it was neither wise nor safe for the Ponape mission to remain longer at Ponape. We Rands and Miss Foss agreed with them as far as the ladies were concerned, but thought it would be wise for me to remain awhile, even if the order to stop all meetings, which we hourly expected, should come. Miss Fletcher and Miss Palmer thought differently, and remained; but on receiving word from the governor, in less than forty-eight hours after the Star left, that all meetings and the schools were to be stopped, they deeply regretted not leaving on the Star. They hastened a messenger off to the colony to see if one of the two schooners there could be chartered to take them to Kusaie. The captain of the American schooner was willing to take them, but the governor refused to let Miss Palmer and Mrs. Cole leave the island. Mrs. Rand and Miss Foss took five young men of the training school with them. We did not ask for more, for fear that the governor would not let any [Page 483] go. October 11 I went to the governor to see if one of his machinists could repair my launch. One of his first questions was, have you received my letter in regard to meetings? (I had not, but received it that same day. Copy inclosed.) He then brought up a great many false charges against me. Among the more important ones was that I was harboring rebels of the Menalanim tribe, and having dangerous meetings with them, feasting them. Also that I was one of the principal leaders in planning the breastworks built by the natives at Oua; and that the natives at Kiti were quiet and friendly to them till I went there. He said that I could not have any school or meetings of any kind with the natives. I could remain on the island, but if I disobeyed him in one thing I would be sent from the island. He said as the mission was to blame for the trouble between the Spaniards and natives, he did not think we would be permitted to resume our mission work. October 14, three hundred soldiers started from the colony for Uana, a village in the Kiti tribe, 25 miles distant, where they have a garrison. They were three days on the march. The second night they stopped at Ron Kiti. They went on this expedition to spy out the land and see what was the disposition of the natives toward them. One object of their going was to find something against the missionaries. The 15th instant, this vessel (the U. S. S. Alliance) came. His coming was very opportune, as the governor was doing all in his power to get us missionaries off of the island. Capt. Taylor’s first meeting with the governor was rather a doleful affair on the governor’s part; but the courteous, diplomatic way he was treated by the captain soon brought back a friendly feeling. You will hear from Capt. Taylor in regard to what he has done here, and why. He is a man of good judgment, and while he has been courteous and diplomatic in all his conferences with the governor, he has also been firm and demanded justice to us. There seems to be no doubt in regard to its being best for the ladies to leave the island, and they have decided to go. In regard to myself it is not so clear. But the nearer the captain gets to the end of his conference with the governor the more it seems that I will be compelled to go. The governor will not permit any of us to remain on the island only on one condition, viz, that we live at or near the colony, where we will be under his surveillance. I feel that this would not be best for the work. And if the captain’s last conference with the governor does not prevail on him to let me remain under more favorable circumstances, I shall go to Kusaie, to remain till it is best for us to return.

Ron Kiti, November 1.—Capt. Taylor’s interview with the governor did not develop anything to cause us to think it at all wise for me to stay. We will go Monday or Tuesday. We have left rather than remain as semiprisoners. As to when we will be permitted to return I can not say, but think it depends a good deal on what our Government is able to do at Madrid. In leaving the work, we do not yield any of our claims to a right to carry on our work anywhere in the Carolines. I think if you bring the matter promptly and strongly before our Government they will be able to reinstate us with a stronger hold than we ever had before. Of course, if we get back it will be by the permission of the Spanish Government. This permission you will be able to get through our Government, if at all. The fact that we as a mission have been here forty years, and also that we have had the permission of the Spanish Government since their possession, is greatly in our favor.


F. E. Rand.

P. S.—U. S. S. Alliance, near Kusaie, November 6, 1890, 11 a.m.

We left Ponape 6 a.m. Tuesday, 4th instant; expect to land in about an hour. There has not been much fighting at Ponape since the 20th of September. They keep a man-of-war on the Metalanim side most of the time. She throws a few shells most every day. They are waiting for more troops. There is some prospect of their making one great effort to exterminate the Metalanim tribe, and if they do not succeed, give it up as too costly a job. Personally I do not believe they can subdue that tribe in less than six months or a year, and then only after a great loss of life to the Spaniards.

F. E. R.

Capt. Taylor to Mr. Smith.

Dear Sir: When parting from Missionary Rand a few weeks ago, in the Caroline Islands, he asked me to send you copies of certain statements which he had submitted to me, and to write you some description of events occurring lately at the Island of Ponape. I send you, therefore, copies of the following papers:

Mr. Rand’s statement of recent occurrences at Ponape.

The governor’s proclamation of 20th of August calling in chiefs, guns, etc.

[Page 484]

Governor’s letter to Mr. Rand forbidding meetings.

Governor’s proclamation of 11th October forbidding meetings.

Mr. Rand’s statement regarding ownership and possession of mission lands, and deed of 24th June, 1870, confirming to mission title to certain land donated to it in 1852.

It may be well that I should give you a brief summary of the late events in Ponape, and my deductions therefrom.

  • First. For half a century the influence of American missionaries has been strong in Ponape; there has been a voluntary submission of natives to their influence in religion and civilization, but complete independence of any political authority, being ruled only by their native Mugs.
  • Second. The Spanish, compelled by German troubles to assert sovereignty in the Carolines, chose Ponape as their seat of government for the eastern Carolines, but found that the natives did not submit readily to their rule and religion; the blame of which state of affairs they assigned to the American missionaries.
  • Third. A bitterness thus begun three years ago has been intensified by the serious loss of life suffered by the Spanish in the late rising and massacre of June last, and in their assault upon the rebel position at Oua in September. Bitterness formerly suppressed, but now shown openly in a series of unjust and oppressive acts.
  • Fourth. These acts are of this nature:
    Accusations of inciting to rebellion, claims that the Spanish authorities have sure evidence of this in their hands, while no one is arrested, none brought to trial nor confronted with accusers nor with the evidence, though treated as guilty.
    Their mission church and their dwellings burned by the troops at Oa, stated to be a military necessity, but no shelter afforded them in lieu, no expression of official regret, no inquiry as to loss or reimbursement.
    Having withdrawn to the Kiti tribe, loyal to Spain, they are ordered to cease all meetings with the natives, thus stopping all their church and school work.
  • No limit of time is given except in answer to my direct inquiry “when the island becomes tranquil.” This may be many years.
  • Fifth. Other acts less significant are the efforts of the Spanish authorities to extort evidence against the missionaries from a native prisoner, but the proof of this rests upon this prisoner’s written statement, now in my possession. Also the refusal of the governor to permit two missionaries, Miss Fletcher and Miss Palmer, to leave the island in a schooner September 29.
  • Sixth. Without at present considering their religious character, for which I have great respect, I believe it to be unworthy the dignity of respectable citizens of the United States to continue voluntarily in this position of suspicion and oppression. I have therefore advised them to withdraw from the island, and await elsewhere the settlement of these affairs between the Governments of Washington and Madrid. They consenting, I have taken them and their native followers to Kusaie, Strong Island, in this vessel.
  • Seventh. They waive no rights or claims in withdrawing, and I have waived none for them. They simply retire for the moment (martial law and a state of war continuing in Panopé) from a situation injurious to their mission work and unworthy of their position as United States citizens.
  • Eighth. It is to be noted in all this that the Spanish, the lawful rulers of the island, have had much to provoke them, and they are so far correct in their statements that their subjugation of Ponapé to their rule and religion has been made more difficult by the teaching of American Protestant missionaries in the last forty years, but they in this have to do with an unfavorable, perhaps harassing condition of affairs, and not with the hostile or unfriendly act of any missionary.

They may naturally wish to have them leave the island, or at least discontinue their work there, for they have chosen it as their seat of government, and would probably wish to see their state religion alone followed there. Nor would this probably have been difficult to arrange with proper notification of our Government by Spain, and some indemnification settled upon between the two countries, but the Spanish, exasperated by their losses, have mistakenly attributed the rebellion to present action of the missionaries, and sincerely believing this, they have been led into an unjust and oppressive treatment of them, forgetful of the pledge given from Madrid to Washington, especially in regard to these missionaries.

The above divisions of the subject will express to you my idea of the general situation.

As to the future, our Government may or may not take action in the premises. If it does, it may demand that the missionaries be again received in Ponape, and new houses be provided for them, and other compensations made. Should this be effected, my advice to your board would be not to allow your missionaries to remain in Ponape under such or any arrangement, unless the Spanish should, as is possible, give up the island as a seat of government.

Its occupation has been expensive and disastrous to Spain, and her officers in Ponape [Page 485] spoke strongly against continuing its occupation. Unless they do give up the Island I would say to you that no arrangement entered into by the home Government can possibly in my opinion prevent a clashing between the different religions and attendant outbreaks among the natives. I believe, also, that the Spanish are more likely to withdraw from Ponape if the American missionaries are for the moment not there. Afterward your missionaries could resume their work in Ponape.

I shall be glad to give you further information if you will let me hear your wishes in the matter.

It is possible that I may return (to Washington) in the spring, and if so, and should you desire to hear more, I shall be glad to confer personally with you.

Hoping that the affair may arrange itself to your satisfaction and for the benefit of your great work,

I am, etc.,

H. O. Taylor,
Commander U. S. Navy, Commanding.