No. 591.
Señor Elmore to Mr. Blaine.
Washington, October 21, 1881.
Sir: As the South Pacific cable is in the hands of the Chilians, the news from Peru, which to-day’s Washington and New York papers publish, came by steamer, being twenty-three days on the way.
Of course your excellency has the official version of the last act enacted by Chili in the drama which she has developed with a premeditation rarely equaled in history, and which convinces even the incredulous of what her intentions were. Not only two years and a half ago, when she declared war on Peru, after taking by force a piece of Bolivian territory, rich in nitrate of soda; not only nine years ago, when she had her two iron-clads built in England to execute her purposes; not only fifteen years ago, when the Spanish fleet after burning Chili’s principal port—Valparaiso—was defeated and driven away from the Pacific by the Peruvian batteries of Callao, filling Chili with rage and jealousy, but her intentions existed years ago, when she saw the wealth of Peru, consisting in the guano and subsequently the nitrate, which excited her envy and greed.
I have the honor to inclose herewith the newspaper correspondent’s version and press comments upon the Chilian Admiral Lynch’s orders suspending the civil authorities in all places in Peru occupied by the Chilian forces, and seizing the Peruvian treasury and bank of issue (nothing is said purposely about the authority of the provisional government). Allow me only to call your attention to the fact that as the Panama paper (from which most American papers copy) is in the interest of Chili, the remarks are mostly in justification of the Chilian acts, and the innuendoes are directed against Peru and those who have done something in support of her and of justice (inclosures Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4). Of course it is evident that any introduction of bank-notes for the provisional government, or any alleged facts in connection with it, had absolutely nothing to do with the outrage committed by Admiral Lynch.
The explanation of it, Mr. Secretary, is simply this: Chili meant from the beginning, 1st, to take the territory containing Peru’s wealth; 2d, to weaken the country in such a way that Peru should be incapable of resisting her now or in a long future. At the same time Chili counted upon two factors which she supposed in her favor: 1st, that all foreign nations were indifferent as to the fate of Peru; 2d, that no foreign nation would take interest in the reconstruction of order and of a constitutional government in Peru. Bat she counted also upon another factor to help her, namely, the continuance of internal dissension in Peru, which Chili, of course, from years back, has always favored. Chili was right, unfortunately, in this last supposition. In regard to the two first mentioned, Chili made a grievous mistake, and her surprise on discovering it is the cause of her present rage, as shown by the first act of Chili’s new President, Señor Santa Maria, the center of that group of Chilian politicians and financiers who resolved upon the plunder of her neighbors (as Chili wants not the territory itself, but the inexhaustible wealth in it).
Chili’s mistake and surprise were caused by the friendly acts of the [Page 969] United States in trying to bring about a peace equally honorable for both belligerents without detriment to the rights of Chili as the victor.
- 1st.
- Chili never believed that the United States would recognize the Calderon government (thinking that the United States would follow the lead of the European powers).
- 2d.
- Chili was disappointed when she saw that the recognition of the Calderon government by the United States was just, because that government meant to establish constitutional order in Peru, and to negotiate an honorable peace, which would restore to Peru her position among nations.
- 3d.
- Chili was displeased when she beheld that the United States had appointed as minister in Lima, a gentleman, General Hurlbut, whose talents, decision of character, and spirit of justice and fair play, were so distinct from Chili’s purposes and practices.
- 4th.
- Chili was more displeased when she saw the words of conciliation and justice pronounced by the new United States minister in Peru, upon his reception by President Garcia Calderon; they showed a friendly disposition on the part of the United States towards Peru.
- 5th.
- Finally, Chili was terribly excited when she, for the first time, perceived that the United States Government would not see with favor the dismemberment of Peru, if Peru has otherwise a means of satisfying the just claims of her victorious enemy.
But, Mr. Secretary, if the United States, for all the historical reasons of the past, and of her inevitable destiny, has not the right to raise her voice on the affairs of this continent, then history would have to be rewritten and no nation would have the right to take interest in the fortunes of sister nations.
The policy of the United States on this continent is well known, and your excellency’s government recognized the government of Señor Garcia Calderon, because it was a constitutionally organized government (Mr. Piérola, being, by the tendencies of his life, able to be only a despotic ruler), and because the Calderon government was and is the only means of making constitutional government permanent in Peru.
The other reason the United States had for recognizing that provisional government was, because it was recognized by the Chilians, who were ready to negotiate a peace with it. But, as the Calderon government was forbidden by a law of Congress to cede any Peruvian territory, as the United States recognized it, and as the United States preferred that, if it were possible, peace should be made without loss of territory to Peru, Chili, it seems, decided that the existence of the government of Señor Garcia Calderon was incompatible with the execution of her plans and purposes.
This, Mr. Secretary, is the explanation of the news just arrived by steamer from Peru, which can only have surprised those who never understood the origin of the war and the real purposes of Chili.
At the same time, allow me to call your excellency’s attention to the fact that Admiral Lynch’s order does not make mention of the Calderon government as being suppressed, which was easy enough to do, as the material means at its disposal were so small. On this account no news has come by cable during the last twenty-three days of any such event.
Far from that, on the 14th of October, I received a cable message from Señor Rosas, the new Peruvian minister in France, dated Paris, 13th October, communicating a cable message from Señor Galvez, the minister of foreign relations of Peru (dated, no doubt, Lima, 12th October, as the cable is working), announcing the significant fact of the army of [Page 970] the south, Arequipa and Puno having recognized the provisional government of Señor Garcia Calderon.
Thus, the Calderon government was not only gaining popularity; nor only had it the moral support of the United States, and other nations who had recognized it; not only was its moral strength increased by the perfectly correct and just appreciation of the iniquity of Señor Piérola’s government, but it was gaining material strength, being recognized by the center of political power in Peru, Arequipa, and Puno, and by the very army who previously obeyed Piérola, because it was made to believe by Piérola that a continuation of the war with Chili was possible. For these very reasons, however, the Calderon government did not suit the purposes of Chili; it was becoming too strong and too respectable; and the consequence was that Peru was on the point of being reconstructed. Chili desires not only a dismembered Peru, but a prostrate and powerless neighbor.
The United States, by their action, have, I am proud and happy to say it, and the Peruvian people highly appreciate it, contributed more than any other nation, or any other circumstance, to give strength and respectability to the government of Señor Garcia Calderon. That government, as far as I know, and as regards its personnel, has not ceased to exist. It is the only constitutionally organized government Peru has proclaimed by the law of the constitutionally elected Congress of Peru.
Peru must have a constitutional government, and must have peace. Will the United States, only because Chili wishes to make both impossible in Peru, abandon Peru at this her most critical moment? A word from the United States would stop all lawless action on the part of Chili, and consummate the union of the Peruvian people, which had so successfully and so happily been inaugurated under the auspices of the United States.
In conclusion, as the representative of the legal government which your excellency’s government recognizes, and of the orderly and respectable part of the people of the Republic of Peru (the oldest and most interesting country in South America, a nation of historical renown, and worthy of better fortune), I herewith repeat and confirm the sentiments I expressed in my address to the President of the United States, when I had the honor of presenting to him my letter of credence, as regards the influence which, in the opinion of Peru and my government, the United States should exercise on this continent, not only indirectly but directly—for the good of the South American states and in the interest of the United States, and of free institutions and civilization in general.
When I made that address I had already received the special instructions to which I referred in my letter to your excellency of the 11th instant.
On account of my hope that the ministers of the United States in Peru and Chili might succeed in bringing the belligerents together to negotiate in good faith an honorable peace (not having also had the opportunity of conferring with your excellency), I have not communicated to your excellency these instructions.
Now, however, in view of the selfish, unjust, and heartless policy of the Chilian Government, of which she no longer makes a secret, I solemnly execute the instructions I have received from the President of Peru, and hereby formally request the Government of the United States to intervene between Chili and Peru in order to make a treaty of peace between the two republics possible. In view of the extraordinary and exorbitant pretensions of Chili (demanding among other [Page 971] things, not only a war indemnity, but the cession of a part of the Peruvian territory, and the occupation of another part), and in view of the barbarous manner in which Chili conducted the war, and of her iniquitous proceeding and unceasing spoliations since, my government has earnestly arrived at the conclusion that a treaty of peace cannot be signed without the intervention of the United States of America.
I beg your excellency’s government to please decide upon the measures most conducive to the end proposed, if, in the judgment of your excellency’s government, it is convenient that the United States should bring Chili to a sense of justice, helping my country to reorganize herself, much improved by the sad lessons of adversity, and eternally grateful to her generous and powerful sister, the great, true, and model republic.
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