Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, Transmitted to Congress with the Annual Message of the President, December 5, 1870

No. 23.

Mr. Low to Mr. Fish.

No. 31.]

Legation of the United States, Pekin, September 26, 1870. (Received November 25.)

Sir: Referring to my dispatch No. 29, relating to the withdrawal of the missionaries from Tungchow, I have now the honor to inclose copies of my note, called out by this affair, to Prince Kung, (inclosure A;) his reply thereto, (inclosure B,) and another note from Prince Kung transmitting a decree of the Emperor, (inclosure C.)

In view of the disturbed condition of the country, caused by rumors of intended violence, and believing that these rumors, as well as the hostile spirit exhibited by the natives, are caused mainly by the late massacre at Tien-tsin, and that the delay and uncertainty in the punishment of the guilty lead the people in other places to believe that the riot was justifiable and meets with the implied approval of the government rather than its condemnation, I deemed it entirely proper, as well as my duty, to improve the occasion to review the Tien-tsin affair, giving to the prince my opinions regarding the failure thus far of the government to do its duty, and pointing out the peril in which the lives and property of all foreign residents are placed in consequence of this dilatory, halting, and uncertain policy. I also referred to the possibility of dangerous complications growing out of this affair unless a more rigorous course be pursued. The note is strong, though entirely respectful, and will, I hope, have some effect for good. I beg, most-respectfully, to refer to that document for a resumé of my opinions upon the situation.

In this connection I desire to say that, while I believe there is danger, I by no means consider the situation as perilous as the people generally do; at the same time they may be right and I wrong.

The prince’s reply, while it is entirely satisfactory with regard to the immediate subject which called it forth, the Tungchow disturbance, fails entirely to meet the general question in a proper way. It is simply an apology for the delay, and affords no reasonable ground for believing that such steps will be taken as will quiet the turbulence of the people, and reëstablish confidence among the foreign residents. He intimates that there have been and are still difficulties in the way of speedy action. This I am prepared to believe; but these difficulties, in my opinion, could be surmounted if the prince and his associates would exhibit a little more courage and resolution.

The hostile spirit of the people at Tien-tsin undoubtedly deterred the officials from taking prompt action in the beginning, lest the attempt at summary punishment of the rioters should cause another uprising for their protection and deliverance; and the unwise action of the French chargé d’affaires raised such a storm of opposition in the higher official circles to prevent a compliance with the demand made by him, that Prince Kung and his associates were, for a time, powerless. These reasons are without force now, and afford no apology for delay.

It is undoubtedly true, that immediately after the receipt and rejection of what may properly be termed M. de Rochechoart’s ultimatum, the government expected a hostile demonstration from France, and commenced making preparations to resist an attack. Li-Hung-Chang, an able official and a general of distinction, who was then in command of the imperial forces operating in the west against the Mohammedan rebels, was called to Tien-tsin, with all the troops that could be spared from the western armies. More recently he has been appointed governor general of this province. He has now arrived, and has, it is said, from 10,000 to 20,000 troops near him at Tien-tsin. The moving of these troops gave rise to all sorts of rumors of an intended attack upon foreigners.

My own opinion is, however, that the ordering of these troops to Tien-tsin was solely with a view to defense in case of attack by the French.

The news from Europe must have dispelled all apprehensions of any hostile movement this autumn. It has also, I am sorry to say, had the effect to make the officials more dilatory in their actions and less inclined to do their duty promptly and properly.

The latest intelligence from Europe via St. Petersburg announces the defeat and surrender of a large part of the French army, with the Emperor at its head, the overthrow of the government and the proclamation of a new one instead. In view of this startling and unexpected news, the French chargé called his colleagues together on the 24th instant, and asked their advice and assistance in the common interest of all. We have taken hold of the question and shall do what we can; but the situation now is difficult and somewhat embarrassing, and I am not sanguine as to results. The representatives of Great Britain, Russia, North Germany and the United States, joined in a note to Prince Kung, on the 24th instant, but as yet no reply has been received. I defer sending a copy or making further comments until an answer comes and I get more light.

If I appear to overburden the Department with dispatches and papers concerning affairs here, my apology must lie in the fact that it is altogether probable that correspondence and consultation will be necessary between the chief treaty powers, growing out of political questions here; and it is my desire that the Department may be in possession of all the information necessary to form intelligent and correct opinions upon all the questions involved.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

FREDERICK F. LOW.

A.

Legation of the United States, Pekin, September 13, 1870.

Sir: It becomes my duty to inform you that, in consequence of the threatening attitude of the people, and failing to obtain from the local officials any satisfactory assurances of protection, the American missionaries residing at Tungchow, near Che Foo, deemed it prudent to withdraw temporarily to the latter place. The danger to them appearing so imminent, the ordinary routes of land travel being considered unsafe, and there being no other means of transport by water available, the admiral of her Majesty’s fleet in these waters, upon the request of the United States vice-consul at Che Foo, kindly sent two vessels of war on the 1st instant and transported the missionaries with their families to Che Foo, where they now are. The number of men, women, and children attached to the mission is eighteen, all Americans. One of the missionaries, in advising me of their action and the causes which led to it, asks my advice as to the proper course for them to pursue, having in view their personal safety and the security of their property which was necessarily left behind at Tungchow. Before replying to this letter, I deem it proper to lay the facts in this case before your imperial highness, and, at the same time, offer some observations upon the unhappy state of affairs which exists at Tungchow and other places.

It is a fact, painfully apparent to all foreign residents, that, since the terrible tragedy at Tien-tsin, the attitude of the local officials and the people generally there, and at many other places, toward foreigners, has been in marked contrast to that kind and cordial relation which should exist. It is unnecessary here to inquire whether the outbreak at Tien-tsin was a sudden uprising of the people to redress, by violence, fancied wrongs, and was altogether local in its origin, or whether it was a part of a more extended and wide-spread conspiracy, fomented by designing officials and persons of the higher classes of civilians, without cause, other than a purpose of gratifying a long-cherished hatred and desire for revenge against the people of western nations; whether the wrath of the people was directed specially against the French as a nationality, and the Roman Catholics as a religious body, or whether all nationalities and religions would have suffered equally, had they resided within the territory where the mob assembled, and near the scene of its bloody deeds. Without discussing the causes, I desire, most respectfully, to offer to your imperial highness the result of my conclusions as to the effects which the news of this lamentable affair at Tien-tsin has had upon the people in other places.

The tales of horrible cruelties practiced by the Roman Catholics are now reported and believed by the people generally, notwithstanding the report, after searching investigation, of the high officer Tsing-Kwoh-fan to the contrary, and in opposition to the solemn delarations of the Emperor, that all these stories are without foundation and false. It seems scarcely possible that such opinions can be entertained by the common people against the evidence before referred to, upon any other hypothesis than that the local officials and persons of rank and distinction are bringing an influence to bear to render foreigners distasteful in the eyes of the people, and inciting hostility which will, unless checked promptly, be likely to bring on a collision.

There is no evidence of any change for the better in the feelings of the inhabitants of Tien-tsin, nor are there any signs of regret for the terrible scenes enacted on the 21st June. On the contrary, the manufacture and sale of fans (until stopped by official action upon the complaint of a foreign consul) bearing engravings of the burning buildings and the murder of their inmates, show only too plainly that the people of that city desire by illustrations of their bloody deeds to be reminded of the eventful day when innocent and helpless women were, with others, ruthlessly sacrificed. The failure to punish any of the guilty actors, although nearly three months have since elapsed, tends in no small degree to confirm the people in the belief that the riot was a justifiable retribution, in which the government sympathizes; and leads to the belief that similar attacks upon foreigners will meet with official sanction and approval, rather than condemnation and punishment. In addition to all this, the knowledge that large bodies of troops are moving from the western provinces eastward into Shan-tung and Chihli affords a basis for the evil-disposed to circulate reports that the imperial government has designs hostile to the foreign residents. This adds to the excitement and fills with alarm the missionaries and others residing in the two provinces before named.

It was currently reported in Tungchow during the last days in August, that 2,000 troops were marching from the capital of the province toward that place, preparatory to the extermination of the missionaries, and threats were freely and openly indulged in that, on the 10th of September all foreigners would be sacrificed. So general was the belief that the native servants of the missionaries were appealed to by their friends and relatives to leave their employers before the day appointed, otherwise their lives would probably be sacrificed with the rest. The missionaries, hearing these reports from distinct and separate sources, felt compelled to give heed to them, and failing to get any satisfactory refutation of the reports, or any guarantee of safety from the local officials, concluded to take the steps I have before indicated.

In the collective note of the 24th June, in which all the foreign representatives joined, the danger of dilatory action on the part of the government was pointed out, and grave apprehensions of further trouble were felt, unless the uprising at Tien-tsin was promptly and effectually put down; and in personal interviews which I have had the honor to have with your imperial highness and the other members of the Foreign Office since, I have urgently pressed upon you and them the necessity of prompt and decided action in the way of searching out and punishing the guilty. I have also pointed out the great importance of taking every means to enlighten and instruct the people in regard to the peaceful purposes of all foreign residents, and the missionaries in particular; that no foreigner has been, or possibly can be, guilty of the practices imputed to them by the ignorant and superstitious, and that all missionaries are animated by pure and peaceful motives, engaged in no political intrigue, and seeking only the highest welfare of the people by striving to make them honest and good.

Candor compels me to say that there has been a lack of promptness, and, I believe, of earnestness, on the part of the officials deputed by the government to ascertain and bring to punishment the guilty persons at Tien-tsin.

Prior to the troubles, two persons at Tien-tsin, and a larger number at Nankin, accused of kidnapping, were arrested, tried, and punished with the extreme penalty of the law; and in the case of the latter the extreme haste of the officials in the trials and punishment of the criminals provoked much discussion, and, I am informed, called forth protests against what seemed to be indecent haste. If the law sanctioned these hasty trials and summary executions in cases where kidnapping was the crime, I fail to see why the assassins of peaceful foreign residents, including foreign officials and innocent and unoffending women, should have any greater lenity shown them; and in a place where the known participation in the riot is an honor and its leadership a notable distinction, it ought not to be difficult to ascertain who are the guilty ones deserving punishment. Hence the delay appears to be without cause, and leads many to doubt the good faith of the government. Unless a change in the status of affairs soon occurs, which will reëstablish public confidence in the fidelity of the government to its treaty obligations, which will reassure the citizens and subjects of the treaty powers that their residence in China will be safe and their property protected, grave apprehensions may reasonably be entertained that the good will and cordial support of some of the most influential and powerful of the western nations will be lost to China.

The traditional policy of the United States in their intercourse with China is peace, which it is the earnest desire of the undersigned, as well as his Government, to maintain, and nothing will cause a departure from this policy, except the flagrant violation of the rights and privileges of their citizens by the people and the failure of the imperial government to apply the proper remedy promptly. In view of these considerations, I again most earnestly call your attention to the condition of affairs at Tung-chow, to the end that you will cause such measures to be adopted as will assure citizens of the United States of their safety, and hasten the return of the missionaries to their homes and their posts of duty.

In the foregoing I have, with entire frankness, endeavored to place before your imperial highness a plain exposition of the situation in which all foreigners in the empire are placed, and the danger to which they are exposed, which will, unless speedily averted, lead to the most unhappy consequences.

With renewed assurances of my high consideration, I have the honor to be, your imperial highness’ obedient servant.

FREDERICK F. LOW.

His Imperial Highness Prince Kung.

B.

September, 24, 1870, (Tungchow, 9th year, 8th moon, 29th day.)

Prince Kung, chief secretary of state for foreign affairs, herewith sends a reply:

I had the honor to receive your dispatch of the 16th instant, in which you inform me that Mr. Mateer and other American missionaries residing at Tungchow, in Shan-tung, had written to you, stating that rumors had been rife among the citizens there during this and last month; that in consequence of the Tien-tsin riot, a body of troops from the provincial capital Tsinan would reach it on the 10th of September, whereupon their scholars and servants left them, and they with their familes had all gone aboard ship, and temporarily removed to Che Foo, from whence they had inquired of you whether they had better go back to Tungchow or not; but before replying, you concluded to bring the matter to my notice, alluding moreover to the present state of unrest between natives and foreigners, and asking that orders may be sent to the officials in Shan-tung to take measures to remove the fears of the missionaries, and assure their safe residence in Tungchow, &e., &c.

In respect to the rumors circulated at Tungchow, I have to reply that before I had received your excellency’s dispatch orders had been sent from the Foreign Office to the provincial governor, and to the intendant of Tungchow, immediately to issue proclamations clearly making known to the people that the rumors were quite groundless, and they were to give no credence to them; and as they caused mutual distrust and alarm, these officers were to take measures to dissipate suspicions of this kind, so that foreigners and natives could henceforth live peaceably together.

Further orders were yesterday sent to Governor Ting (of Shan-tung) to enjoin upon the district magistrate of Punglai (i. e., Tungchow City) to adopt precautionary measures to remove all doubt and alarm, so that when Mr. Mateer and his associates return their safety can be assured. The day fixed by rumor, September 10, for bringing in soldiers, and destroying the missionaries, having long since passed over without disturbance, plainly shows that the whole was a rumor, unworthy of belief, which need have excited no alarm.

The doubt which your excellency expresses, that the delay in settling the riot of Tien-tsin, and the want of energy manifested in dealing with it, considering the serious consequences likely to result from it, are calculated to lead all western nations to doubt the faith and earnestness of the government, arouses in my mind the closest attention and shows your full knowledge of the matter. In dealing with an affair like this, that involves the relations between this and other countries, it is indeed important that the government should earnestly put forth its utmost energy, uniting safety with speed in bringing it to a close. But in dealing with the difficulties of this case we have proved the truth of the saying, “the more haste the worse speed;” having found that the two arc incompatible, the wisest course for us seems to be to humor things so as to attain the end safely. Can any one doubt that government desires to speedily bring the Tien-tsin riot and all that has grown out of it to a close? Yet to arrest the murderers is not easy; to find the clue to them is hard; but the hardest of all is to reconcile the evidence obtained, for the whole affair was done on a sudden provocation and had no leader who had planned it. When a great crowd rushes together in a frenzy, the course of events cannot be closely remembered, nor who it was that killed the victims be certainly found out or known. The names of the leaders or the actual murderers are not ascertainable, and this makes the difficulty in arresting them. When robbers plunder and secrete their booty, it is comparatively easy to trace them; but here all the world ran about in commingling crowds, without order or leaders, and this is what makes it so hard for us to get any clue to the guilty. In common cases of robbery or murder the plunder is hid somewhere, or there is proof of the killing; somebody has taken the lead in the act; but in this instance there is nothing, no booty, no proof, no leader, nothing to guide to a conviction. But the most difficult part is in discriminating the evidence, for if the prisoners are verbally interrogated their testimony is not true probably, and if they are put to the question they are ready to implicate the innocent. This shows the difficulties in the way of getting evidence. Amidst these various obstacles, if the settlement of this affair be unduly hurried, not only will it be hard to satisfy the Chinese people that justice has been done, but I fear that foreigners will also be disappointed. These are the causes which have delayed the settlement of the Tien-tsin affair. Many guilty persons are already in custody, among whom ten or more have been proven to be guilty and will suffer the extreme penalty of the law. I think that their cases will be closed in a few days and will remove all doubts as to whether anything would be done. I have thus endeavored to state my difficulties in conducting this affair, both toward my own government and toward foreign nations, and I hope that your excellency and all the other foreign ministers will appreciate the contingencies of my position.

His Excellency F. F. Low, United States Minister to China.

C

September 11, 1870. (Tungchow, 9th year, 8th moon, 16th day.)

Prince Kung, chief secretary of state for foreign affairs, herewith sends a communication:

I was yesterday honored by receiving the following decree.

“Li Hung-chang having been appointed governor general of the province of Child, let him immediately proceed to Tien-tsin, and in conjunction with Tsang kwoh-fan, Ting Jih-chang and Chinglin, inquire into and manage affairs there. Let Mao Changhi, the president of the board of works, return to Pekin and resume his duties. Respect this.”

With respect to the Tien-tsin case I may observe that during the three months which have passed, Governor General Tsang and his colleagues have searched out and arrested more than eighty of the criminals engaged in the riot, and he is now employed in examining them and taking testimony; he will, without doubt, be able to ascertain clearly who are guilty and decide their sentences.

His excellency Li having received the above order to go to Tien-tsin, he will join in the inquiry and hasten the matter, so that there seems now a strong probability that this affair may ere long be brought to a conclusion.

His Excellency Frederick F. Low, United States Minister to China.