No. 124.

Mr. Motley to Mr. Fish.

No. 474.]

I have the honor to send herewith copies of the report of M. Jules Favre concerning his recent interview with Count Bismarck as they appear in the London papers of the day.

Mission of M. Jules Favre to Count Bismarck.

The following is a translation of the document, which is extracted from the Moniteur September 28, 1870:

Official bulletin of the delegation of the government of national defense, Tours, September 27, 1870.

“M. Lutz, of the Rhône, who left Paris on Sunday in a balloon, brings us this morning the report of M. Jules Favre, Minister for foreign affairs, upon his interview with Count Bismarck. The report of M. Jules Favre has appeared in the Journal Officiel of the 23d September, in Paris. It will be seen from this report with what sort of enemy we have to do, and that France can reckon only on herself. The following is the report:

“‘My Dear Colleagues: The close union of all citizens, and particularly of the members of the government, is more than ever a necessity of public safety. Every one of our acts ought to cement it. That which I have just performed on my own authority has inspired me with this sentiment; it will have this result. I have had the honor to explain it to you in detail. That is not enough. We are a government of publicity. If, in the hour of execution, secrecy is indispensable, the act once completed, should be surrounded by the greatest amount of light. We are nobodies save for the opinion of our fellow-citizens, and they must judge us hourly, and in order to form a judgment upon us, they have the right to know everything. I considered it my duty to go to the headquarters of the hostile armies, and I went. I have given you an account of the mission which I had imposed upon myself; I am about to tell my country the reasons which determined my action, the object which I had placed before me, and that which I believe I have attained. I need not recapitulate the policy which we inaugurated, and which the minister of foreign affairs was particularly charged to announce. We are, above all, men of peace and liberty. Up to the last moment we opposed the war which the imperial government undertook in a spirit exclusively dynastic; and when this government tell, we declared that we would persevere more energetically than ever in the policy of peace. We made this declaration, when, through the criminal madness of one man and of his counsellors, our armies were destroyed; our glorious Bazaine and his valiant soldiers blocked up before Metz; Strasburg, Toul, Phalsburg, shattered by bombs; and the victorious enemy marching upon our capital. Never was situation more cruel; yet it did not occasion in the country any thought of weakness, and we believed ourselves its faithful interpreters in laying down clearly the conditions“Not an inch of our territory, nor a stone of our fortresses.” If, then, at this instant, when an event was accomplished so important as the overthrow of the promoter of the war, Prussia had desired to treat upon the basis of an indemnity to be determined, peace was made, it would have been greeted as an incalculable blessing; it would have received a certain pledge of reconciliation between two nations which have been fatally divided solely by an odious policy. We hope that humanity and interest, properly understood, may gain this victory, most important of all; for it would have inaugurated a new era, and the statesmen who should have identified their names with it would have had as guides philosophy, reason, and justice, and as rewards, the blessings and the prosperity of the people. It was with these ideas that I undertook the perilous task with which you intrusted me. I had at once to ascertain the feelings of the European cabinets, and to seek to obtain their support. The imperial government had either completely neglected to do this or it failed in the attempt. It engaged in the war without one alliance, without one serious negotiation; all around it was hostility or indifference. It thus reaped the bitter harvest of a policy noxious to each neighboring state on account of its menaces or its pretensions. Scarcely were we at the Hotel de Ville, when a diplomat, whose name it is not fitting to reveal, asked to enter into relations with us. From the next day your minister received the representatives of all the powers. The Republic of the United States, the Helvetian Republic, Italy, Spain, and Portugal officially recognized the French Republic. The [Page 167] other governments authorized their agents to maintain with us official relations which permitted us to enter at once into useful negotiations. I would give to this explanation, which is already too diffuse, a fullness which it does not merit, if I were to relate in detail the short but instructive history of the negotiations which followed. I believe I am right in asserting that it will not be altogether valueless as relates to our moral position. I shall only say that everywhere we found honorable sympathy. My object was to collect them, and to induce the powers who had signed the league of neutrality to intervene directly with Prussia on the basis of the conditions which I had laid down. Four of these powers offered to do so. I testified to them my gratitude in the name of my country, but I wished to have the coöperation of the two others. One of them promised me an independent action, reserving its liberty respecting it; the other proposed to be my intermediary with Prussia. It even went a step further. Upon the request of the envoy extraordinary of France, it was willing to give direct countenance to my proceedings. I asked for much more, but I have refused no cooperation, esteeming that the interest which was evinced for us was a power not to be neglected. However, time was passing. Each hour brought the enemy nearer. Under the most poignant feelings, I had promised myself not to permit the siege of Paris to begin without making a supreme effort, were I left alone to make it. It is unnecessary to enlarge upon its importance. Prussia maintained silence, and no one consented to question her. This state of things could not continue; it allowed our enemy to lay upon us the responsibility of the continuation of the straggle; it compelled us to hear it, as he intended; it must be got out of. Despite my repugnance, I determined to make use of the good offices which had been offered me, and on September 10 a telegram reached M. de Bismarck, asking him if he would enter into a conversation with me upon the conditions of a treaty. A first reply was an excuse for not receiving me, deduced from the irregularity of our government. However, the chancellor of the Confederation of the North did not stand upon that, and asked what guarantees we could offer for the execution of a treaty. This second difficulty having been removed by me, it was necessary to go further. It was proposed that I should send a messenger, to which I agreed. In the mean time M. de Bismarck was telegraphed to directly, and the prime minister of the power which acted as our intermediary said to our envoy extraordinary that France alone could act; he added that it was to be desired that I should not shrink from taking steps at headquarters. Our envoy, who was acquainted with my inmost feelings, replied that I was ready at all sacrifices to do my duty, and that there were few things so painful to do as that of going through the enemy’s lines to seek our conqueror, but that he supposed I would resign myself to it. Two days later the courier returned. After a thousand obstacles he had seen the chancellor, who had told him he was willing to converse with me. I should have wished for a direct reply to the telegram of our intermediary; we had to wait for it. The investment of Paris was accomplished. No further hesitation was possible. I resolved to set out. However, it was important to me that while it was in progress, this proceeding should be secret. I advised secrecy, and was deeply surprised, on returning last evening, to learn that it had not been maintained. A culpable indiscretion had been committed. A journal, L’Electeur Libre, already disavowed by the government, had made use of it. An inquiry has been commenced, and I hope to repress this double abuse. I had carried discretion so far that I observed it even before you, my dear colleagues. I had not come to this resolution without great repugnance; but I knew your patriotism and your affection—I was certain of your forgiveness. I believed I was acting in obedience to an imperious necessity. On the first occasion I spoke with you of the troubles of my mind, and told you it would not be at rest until I had done everything that was humanly possible with honor to arrest this abominable war. Recollecting the conversation which followed from this commencement, I feared objections, and I was decided. Further, I wished, in meeting M. de Bismarck, to be free from any engagement, in order to have the right not to accept any. I make to you these sincere avowals; I make them to the country to remove from you a responsibility which I take upon myself alone. If my proceeding has been an error, I alone should bear the blame. I bad, nevertheless, informed the minister of war, who was kind enough to give me an officer to conduct me to the outposts. We did not know where headquarters were situated. We imagined them to be at Grosbois. We started on our way toward the enemy by the gate of Charenton. I suppress all the details of this sorrowful journey, full of interest nevertheless, but which would not be in place here. Conducted to Villeneuve St. Georges, where I found the general-in-chief commanding the sixth corps, I learnt full late in the aftern on that headquarters were at Meaux. The general, whose treatment of me was all that could be desired, proposed to send an officer to carry the following letter which I had written for M. de Bismarck:

“‘M. le Compte: I have always believed that before seriously commencing hostilities under the walls of Paris, it would be possible for some honorable negotiation to be attempted. The person who had the honor of seeing your excellency two days ago informed me that you yourself had expressed such a desire. I have come to the outposts [Page 168] to place myself at the disposal of your excellency. I trust that you will deign to inform me how and where I can have the honor of conferring for some minutes with you.

“‘I have, &c.

“‘JULES FAVRE.’

“‘We were separated by a distance of 48 kilometers. The next morning at six o’clock I received the reply, which I transcribe:

“‘I have just received the letter that your excellency was good enough to write me and it will be extremely agreeable to me if you will do me the honor to come and see me to-morrow here at Meaux. The bearer of the present, Prince Biron, will see that your excellency is guided through our lines.

“‘I have, &c.,

“‘DE BISMARCK.’

“‘At 9 o’clock the escort was ready, and I left with it. When I got near Meaux, about 3 in afternoon, I was stopped by an aide-de-camp who came to inform me that the Count had left Meaux with the King to sleep at Ferrières. We had passed each other, and by retracing our steps we should both of us meet. I retraced my way and halted in the courtyard of a farm entirely plundered, as were nearly all the houses that I passed on my way. At the end of an hour M. de Bismarck joined me there. It was difficult for us to talk in such a place. A house, the Château de le Haute Maison, belonging to the Count de Rillac, was close to us, and we went there. The conversation took place in a saloon, where in disorder lay fragments of all kinds. I should like to report the whole of this conversation, such as I dictated it to a secretary on the following day. Every one of its details has its importance. But I can only give an analysis of the same. At the commencement I stated briefly the object of proceeding. Having published in my circular the intentions of the French government I wished to know those of the Prussian prime minister. It appeared to me inadmissible that two nations should continue without preliminary and mutual explanations a terrible war, which, in spite of its advantages, would inflict most serious injuries upon the conqueror. Created by the power of an individual, this war had no further raison d’étre. now that France had again become her own mistress. I offered to guarantee her desire for peace, and at the same time her irrevocable resolve not to accept any condition which would render this peace a short and threatening truce. M. de Bismarck replied to me that were he convinced that such a peace were possible, he would sign it directly. He acknowledged that the opposition had always condemned the war. But the power which this opposition represents at present is more than precarious. If in a few days Paris is not taken, it will be overthrown by the populace. I immediately interrupted him by saying we had no populace in Paris, but a population intelligent and devoted, rally aware of our intentions, and who would not become accomplices of the enemy by fettering our mission of defense. With regard to our power, we were ready to place it in the hands of the assembly which we had already convoked. “This assembly,” replied the count, “might have designs which nothing can make us foresee If it listens to the sentiments of France it will desire war. You would no more forget the capitulation of Sedan than that of Waterloo, or that of Sadowa, which did not affect you.” Further, he maintained strongly the determination clearly expressed by the French nation to attack Germany and to deprive her of a portion of her territory. “From Louis XIV down to Napoleon III these tendencies have not changed; and when war was announced, the Corps Legislatif received the words of the minister with acclamations.” I remarked to him that the majority of the Corps Legislatif had, a few weeks before, received the news of peace with acclamation; that this majority, chosen by the prince, unfortunately thought itself obliged to confide blindly in him, but consulted twice, at the elections of 1869, and at the vote of the plébiscite the nation had energetically adhered to a political course of peace and liberty. The conversation was prolonged on this subject, the count maintaining his opinion and I defending mine; and, as I pressed him hard as to the conditions, he replied distinctly that the security of his country demanded that he should retain the territory which guaranteed it. He repeated several times, “Strasburg is the key of the house; I ought to have it.” I requested him to be more explicit. “It is useless,” he objected, “we cannot come to terms; it is a matter which must be decided later.” I requested him to do so immediately; he then told me that the two departments of the Bas and Haut Rhin, a part of that of the Moselle, including Metz, Château Salins, and Soissons, were indispensable to him, and he could not recede from these conditions. I remarked to him that the consent of the people whom he thus disposed of was more than doubtful; that the public rights of Europe would not permit him to disregard it. “Oh, yes, indeed,” he replied to me, “I am perfectly aware that they do not desire ns. We shall have some hard work cut out for us by them, but we cannot do otherwise than take them. l am certain that at a future time we shall have a fresh war with you, and we wish to undertake it under every advantage.” I expostulated, as was my duty, against similar propositions. I said that it seemed to me as if two important elements [Page 169] had been lost sight of in this discussion: in the first place, Europe, which might find such pretensions exorbitant and offer opposition; and, again, that modern rights, and the progress of all customs, were entirely antipathetic to such exigencies. I added that, as far as we were concerned, we could never agree to them. “We can perish as a nation, but we cannot dishonor ourselves. However, the country itself was alone competent to give an opinion respecting any cession of territory. We have not any doubts as to its feeling, but we wish first to consult it. It is before the whole nation that Prussia must take up her position; and to speak plainly, it is clear that, led away by the frenzy of victory, she desires the destruction of France.” The count protested against this conclusion, alleging the absolute necessity of a national guarantee. I continued: “If on your side it is not an abuse of power, covering secret designs, let us call an assembly together; we will hand it our powers, and it will appoint a definite government, who will be able to appreciate your conditions.” “In order to carry out this plan,” replied the count, “an armistice would be required, and I will not grant one at any price,” The conversation took a more and more painful turn. Night came, I requested M. de Bismarck to give me a second interview at Ferrières, where he was going to sleep, and we each went our way. Desiring to fulfill my mission to the end, I had to raise several questions that we had argued, and to conclude them. Therefore, on meeting the count about half-past nine at night, I remarked to him that the information which I had come to obtain from him was intended to be transmitted to my government and to the public; therefore I should resume in conclusion our conversation, so as only to publish what had entirely been agreed upon between us. “Do not take that trouble,” replied he, “you can publish it in extenso. I do not see any reason why it should not be divulged.” We then resumed our discussion, which continued till midnight. I dwelt considerably upon the necessity of convoking an assembly. The count appeared to allow himself to be convinced by degrees, but returned to the armistice. I asked for a fortnight. We discussed the conditions. He only expressed himself very vaguely, and elected to consult the King. Consequently he adjourned the interview to 11 o’clock on the following day. I have only one more word to say, for in repeating this sad recital my mind is agitated by all those emotions which have tortured it during three mortal days, and I yearn to finish. I arrived at the Château of Ferrières at 11 o’clock. The count was coming from the King at a quarter to twelve, and I heard from him the conditions upon which an armistice would be granted; they were written in the German language, and a verbal communication was made to me of their purport. He asked as a guarantee the occupation of Strasburg, Toul, and Phalsburg; and as, in answer to a question from him, I had told him on the previous day that the assembly would take place in Paris, he wished in this case to have a fort dominating the city, as, for instance, that of Mont Valérien. I interrupted him by remarking, “It is much simpler to ask for Paris at once. How can you suppose that a French assembly could deliberate under your guns? I had the honor of informing you that I should faithfully communicate our interview to the government, and I hardly know if I dare mention to them that you have made such a proposal to me.” “Let us seek some other combination,” he replied. I spoke to him of a reunion of the assembly at Tours, no guarantee being given as far as Paris was concerned. I suggested he should speak of this to the King, and again speaking of the occupation of Strasburg, he added: “The town will fall into our hands; it is now only a matter of calculation for our engineers. Therefore I demand of you that the garrison shall surrender themselves prisoners of war.” At these words I could not suppress my feelings, and rising, I cried: “You forget you are speaking to a Frenchman, M. le Comte. To thus sacrifice a heroic garrison whose behaviour has been admired universally, and more particularly by us, would be cowardice, and I promise not to say that you have offered me such a condition.” The count replied that he had had no intention of hurting my feelings; that he conformed to the laws of war; and that, moreover, if the King gave his consent, this article might be modified. He returned in a quarter of an hour. The King accepted the proposal as to Tours, but insisted that the garrison of Strasburg should constitute themselves prisoners. I was perfectly exhausted, and feared for the moment that I should faint. I turned away to hide the tears which suffocated me, and asking to be excused for my involuntary weakness, I took leave with these few words: “I made a mistake, M. le Comte, in coming here; but I do not regret it, I have suffered sufficiently to excuse myself in my own eyes, but in any case I only yielded to a feeling of duty. I will report to my government all that you have said, and should they consider it fit again to send me to you, however cruel the task for me, I shall have the honor of returning. I am grateful for the kindness you have shown me, but I fear that all that can be done is to let events take their course. The inhabitants of Paris are courageous, and resolved to make every sacrifice, and their heroism may change the course of events. If you have the honor of conquering them, you will never subjugate them. The whole nation is possessed with the same sentiments. As long as there can be found one element of resistance among us, we shall fight you. This becomes an interminable struggle between two nations who should extend their hands to each other. I had hoped for a different [Page 170] solution. I leave, most unhappy, but nevertheless full of hope.” I add nothing to this recital, too eloquent in itself. It enables me to conclude, and to inform you what is, in my idea, the aim of these interviews. I sought peace, and found an inflexible desire for conquest and war. I demanded an opportunity of interrogating France, represented by an assembly freely elected, and I was replied to by being shown the Caudine Forks under which France must first pass. I do not recriminate. I content myself by relating facts, and publishing them to my country and to Europe. I ardently desired peace. I do not disguise the fact, and witnessing during three days the misery existing in our unfortunate country, I felt this desire increase within me to such an extent that I was forced to summon all my courage to my aid, so as not to fail in my task. I wished for an armistice almost as eagerly. I again confess it. I wished it so that the nation might be consulted respecting the redoubtable question that fatality had placed before us. You are now acquainted with the preliminary conditions which they desire to impose upon us. Equally with myself, and without discussion, you have been unanimously of opinion that such humiliation should be rejected. I possess the profound conviction that in spite of the sufferings she is now enduring, and which she sees before her, France, indignant, shares our determination, and inspired by these feelings I addressed to M. de Bismarck the following dispatch, which closes our negotiations:

“‘M. Le Comte: I have faithfully reported to my colleagues of the government for the national defense the declaration that your excellency deigned to make to me. I regret to inform your excellency that the government could not entertain your propositions. They would accept an armistice in order to proceed to the election and meeting of a National Assembly, but they cannot subscribe to the conditions your excellency imposes. For my own part, I have the satisfaction of having done everything to stay the shedding of blood and to obtain the restoration of peace to the two nations, to whom it would prove the greatest blessing. I am only arrested by an imperious obligation which commands me not to sacrifice the honor of my country, which is determined upon an energetic resistance. I unite without reserve in this feeling, as do my colleagues. God, who judges us, will decide our destinies. I have faith in His justice. I have, &c.

“‘JULES FAVRE.

“‘September 24, 1870.’

“‘I have finished, my dear colleagues, and you will think, as I do, that even if I have failed, my mission has not been totally useless. It has proved that we have not deviated. As during the first days we cursed a war which was condemned by us beforehand, so also during the first days we rather accept it than dishonor. We have done more; we have abolished the equivocal position in which Prussia enclosed itself, and which Europe did not aid us to dissipate. On entering into our territory she gave the world her word that she attacked Napoleon and his soldiers, but she would respect the nation. We know to-day what to think of such statements. Prussia exacts three of our departments, two fortified towns, one containing 100,000 and the other 75,000 inhabitants, and eight or ten other places equally fortified. She is aware that the populations she wishes to tear from us will resist her, but she seizes them nevertheless; opposing the edge of her sword to the protestations of civic liberty and moral dignity. To a nation requesting the faculty of consulting itself, it proposes a guarantee of its batteries of howitzers planted on Mont Valérien to protect the place of our deliberations where our deputies will vote. This is what we know and what I am authorized to inform you. Let the whole nation hear us and rise up, either to repudiate us when we advise it to resist à outrance, or to support with us this last and decisive trial. Paris is resolved upon it. The departments are organizing themselves and will come to our assistance. The last word has not been pronounced in this struggle, where might is combating against right. It depends upon our constancy whether it be spoken for justice and liberty.

“‘Accept, my dear colleagues, the fraternal homage of my unchanging devotion.

“‘JULES FAVRE, “‘Minister of Foreign Affairs.