Mr. Tuckerman to Mr. Seward.
Sir: Referring to my dispatch No. 25, in which I had the honor to hand you, in original, a decree of the Greek Chamber of Deputies, with accompanying documents, I now inclose translations of the same, together with my reply to the minister of foreign affairs.
The documents sent you last mail, were handed me in advance of the copies which I understand the government intends to forward to the Greek legation at Washington, that I might make such disposition of them as appeared to me best, and I was at the time verbally assured that the sentiments therein expressed applied also to myself as the “sincere and avowed friend of Greece.” This decree of thanks originates in a deep-seated sense of gratitude in the hearts of the Greek people, and it would avail nothing were I to attempt to conceal the fact that this sympathy with the United States is heightened and intensified by a reverse sentiment towards the great powers of Western Europe.
Since my official residence here it has been my aim to investigate the political and social condition of the people, in the hope of arriving at an unprejudiced judgment. The efforts of interested parties to warp that judgment have been ingenious, and I may say unremitting; but to the frankness and confidence of the Greek people themselves I am chiefly indebted for an expose of political defects, which their worst enemies could hardly have portrayed as vividly.
In spite of these evils in government and society, the great fact stands boldly forth that here exists, and in perpetual agitation, an original and distinctive people whose vital breath is liberty. This people can neither be crushed by their neighbor, whose principle is absolute monarchism, nor set aside by the great powers of Western Europe, by whom Greece is regarded as little better than a “political nuisance.” These powers are at this moment exercising three distinct influences upon the kingdom; yet all unite in repressing the natural aspirations of her people. Russia’s interest in Crete doubtless ends there. The possession of Crete by Greece, in other words, the separation of that island from Turkey, would assist the ambitious views of the Russian government, and so far weaken the anti-church influences of the Porte. It is impossible to say whether Great Britain has any ideas of future territorial conquest in the east of Europe; probably this is a matter of indifference so long as France shows no inclinations in that direction. If the assertions to me of their representatives here are of weight, then Great Britain and France are each “the only true friend which Greece has.” The Greeks, however, do not place unbounded faith in such statements, but, on the other hand, knowing that the United States has no territorial interests in the matter and is simply and sincerely desirous that free institutions should succeed wherever they may be planted, give their unbounded confidence to that distant republic, instead of their nearer and less disinterested neighbors. Of that confidence I have been a recipient, as you are aware, from the throne and from the people; not in the way of self-exaltation on their part or flattery towards myself, but in the way of earnest consultation and appeal. On the other hand, I am forced to admit to you that, in spite of the assertion of friendship on the part of the representatives of England and France, I have never once heard from either, in our conversations on the subject, one single word of approbation for the Greek government or her people. The end and object of these powders seem at [Page 143] present to be to keep Greece quiet on external questions, which, if agitated, may affect the so-called “equilibrium” of Europe, but which, if not agitated, will, in the Greek point of view, keep her forever hemmed within limits which her natural aspirations compel her to attempt to expand.
What Greece requires, besides economy of political administration, is a friend whose example in good government shall be strengthened by material influences. Greece has not natural strength enough to rid herself of her own burdens. This strength may come to her, but she must be encouraged to seek it in the right way. She does not find this encouragement in Europe, or thinks she does not, and hence she is loth to let go the hold which she has on American sympathies. That the United States may be of essential service to Greece in her present position appears to admit of no dispute. Shall this service be strictly confined to votes of sympathy by Congress? The Greeks hope that, in the affair of Crete, the United States will feel itself justified in at least urging upon the Christian powers of Europe such interference as will protect the general interests of humanity where “infringed,” as they believe in the present case they have been, “by the excesses of a barbarous and despotic government.” (Wheaton.) On the other hand, the British minister, Mr. Erskine, expressed to me the other day his surprise that any such interference in the affairs of Crete should be desired on our part, on the ground that this course would be inconsistent with our emphatic remonstrances against interference with our own domestic affairs during the late rebellion in the States. * * * * *
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.