In the House of Representatives, this afternoon, M. Hardy de Beaulieu, a
member of the extreme left, moved, in accordance with previous notice,
for an expression of feeling at the late tragic event at Washington. He
was followed and warmly seconded by the late Canon de Hearne, of the
“conservative” party, who is the author of a widely disseminated
pamphlet on our war, and is an ardent friend of the cause of the Union,
and by M. Rogier, who announced that he adopted on the part of the
government the views just expressed, and that he
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hoped the House would join in the expression of his
desire for the recovery of the eminent statesman, Mr. Seward, to whose
existence was attached, in so great a degree, the definitive
pacification of the country for too long a time desolated by war; and,
after rendering homage to the moderation which he had displayed, the
minister expressed the hope “that they might one day rejoice over the
restoration of his health, at the same time with the re-establishment of
peace between the fractions of a great people whom they admired, and who
had always had their sympathies, and which he hoped would take again in
the world the great part which is assigned to it.” All which,
interrupted by frequent marks of approval by the members, was declared
by the president to be the unanimous sentiment of the House.
I wrote to thank M. Hardy de Beaulieau and the Canon de Hearne for
initiating this expression of opinion by the House, and transmit (C)
copies of my letters to them.
I have the honor to be, with great respect, your most obedient
servant,
B.
[Translation.]
Motion in order.
Mr. Le Hardy de Beaulieu. Gentlemen: You
were all horrified three days ago on hearing of the assassination of
the President of the United States. You all felt that it was not
only the chief of a free nation that was struck down, but at the
same time it was law, the safeguard of all, and I may say
civilization itself; for there is no longer any personal security
when political passion substitutes brutal action for the protective
power of law. I have thought it becoming, gentlemen, for us not to
let this occasion pass without the expression of our painful
sentiments.
I will not give you the history of the eminent man who is no more: he
sprung from the humblest ranks of society, and elevated himself by
labor and industry, when the American nation, with that acumen that
rarely fails an intelligent people in important emergencies, chose
him as a guide to direct it through a dangerous situation, where a
formidable insurrection had placed it.
You all know, gentlemen, what difficulties Mr. Lincoln had to
overcome.
Confronted by a portion of the nation that rebelled against the laws
they themselves had made, he did not falter once in his patriotic
duty. In the most perilous circumstances, in face of all kinds of
dangers, external and internal, he was always calm, and, I may even
say, benevolent to his bitterest enemies.
After gigantic efforts, after a struggle of four years, Mr. Lincoln
at last reached the close of that most bloody contest on American
soil, and the greatest troubles of his life seemed over.
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He had already expressed the
sentiments of conciliation that animated him—it was in his last
message, his political testament—when the assassin’s bullet struck
him in the back of the head, and laid him low.
I cannot foretell the consequences of that crime, so horrid that no
terms are strong enough to condemn it; all I can say is, that the
parliament of a free nation like Belgium would fail in its duties of
international confraternity, if it did not express its feelings of
horror and regret at a crime that has robbed a great and generous
nation of its eminent Chief Magistrate.
In expressing these sentiments, we confirm the unanimous wishes that
the deplorable loss may not deprive the American nation of that
calmness which is necessary to finish the great work of conciliation
and pacification which Mr. Lincoln had so nobly begun. I am
done.
Mr. de Hearne. I agree with my honorable
colleague in the sentiments he has expressed, and I am persuaded
that the feeling of horror produced by this sad news from America is
felt not only in this house, but in every quarter of the globe. Yes,
gentlemen, we feel the greatest indignation at this political crime
that has plunged a great people in the deepest mourning, but has not
discouraged it, we must hope; for the great President, who was the
victim of the barbarous and cowardly act, has set an example which
his successors should follow for the good of the nation they
represent and the enlightenment of a free people.
The dreadful catastrophe that has thrown America into the greatest
consternation and has appalled the world contains a great lesson for
the people, particularly when contrasted with the victories that had
rejoiced the American Union only a few days before.
On Palm Sunday the news of General Lee’s capitulation was announced
in most of the cities of the United States—on that day consecrated
to the Prince of Peace, as an American paper expresses it—and on
Good Friday Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward were attacked by barbarous
assassins. And this recalls a profound remark of the august and holy
pontiff Pius IX, who, speaking of the many vicissitudes of his
reign, said: “Truly, Good Friday is very near to Palm Sunday!”
The people of the Union who were identified with their chief,
particularly after the last presidential election, were morally
immolated with him, after enjoying the national triumph, to which
Mr. Lincoln added glory by his moderation.
The nation is plunged in grief, but hope will resurrect her from the
gloom, like the Prince of peace and glory. This grand and terrible
lesson of misfortune to the people and their governments will prove
a valuable instruction by the spirit of conciliation bequeathed them
by their worthy President, as a mysterious pledge of future
prosperity, the secret of which is hidden in their past glory.
If there is a nation that ought to sympathize with America in its
grief on this occasion, that nation is Belgium; for we are the only
nation that has remained faithful in spirit to traditional rights,
and followed America from the foundation of her political
establishment and her liberal institutions. Yes, gentlemen, we
looked upon England, on the one hand, as worthy of imitation in the
march of progress, in the path of true and practical liberty; but,
at the same time, we were conscious that there were certain customs
in the institutions of that country we could not adopt, and we cast
our eyes beyond the Atlantic, where we found a great people worthy
of entire imitation; and it is the institutions of that people we
have chiefly inscribed upon our organic charter, We have followed
their example in all that regards public liberty, the distribution
of power, the election of representatives, and decentralization of
rule. For that reason, I say that Belgium ought to sympathize with
America by expressions of horror and indignation, such as all
civilized nations feel, and protest against the act of barbarism
that has stained the soil of America with the last mournful trace of
expiring slavery, which has now vanished before the vivifying breath
of modern civilization.
The sentiments manifested in this house are felt throughout all
Europe: England has protested through Parliament; France has spoken
by the mouth of her Emperor; Prussia by her legislative assembly,
where all the members rose to declare that the infamy of the horrid
act deserved the condemnation of all civilized nations. We must also
do homage to the man who was the victim of that atrocious crime—to
the man who, as the honorable Mr. de Beaulieu has truly said, sprung
from the people to adorn a nation, and, like certain popes, came
from the lowest ranks of society to be the greatest honor to the
church.
Lincoln was a self-made man; he drank from the spring of liberty; he
was guided by the light of a democratic nation; and merit elevated
him to the highest dignities of the country.
He has set a worthy example, which his successor ought to follow,
relying on the support of public opinion, which should be his
constant guide, never to be abandoned or opposed.
That, gentlemen, should be his greatest honor, which, united with his
firmness and wise impartiality, will mark him a place in
history.
In joining other civilized nations in our protest against this
political crime, we do a good deed; by our participation in the
sentiment of universal indignation, we help to arrest the contagion
of an abominable example that might attack other nations.
By outlawing monsters guilty of such crimes, we terrify those who
might be tempted to commit them.
Mr. Rogier, minister of foreign affairs. It
is useless for me to say, gentlemen, that the government
participates in the sentiments so eloquently expressed by the two
honorable members of this assembly, entertaining different political
sentiments. Our government
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sympathizes with the bereaved nation, and has transmitted the
expressions of its sorrow to the government of the United States and
their honorable representative in Brussels.
The motion just made is new to Belgium; but it has been made
elsewhere, and the importance of the event justifies it. I consider
the sympathy expressed in the speeches of the honorable Mr. de
Beaulieu and Mr. l’Abbé”de Hearne as the unanimous opinion of the
House; and thus the legislative assembly joins the government in the
regrets felt and expressed on the occasion of a crime that has
filled Belgium and the rest of the world with dismay.
We must also express our wishes for the recovery of the eminent
statesman who was attacked at the same time with the venerable
President of the republic. His life must be preserved to insure the
final pacification of a splendid country too long desolated by the
calamities of a war afflicting to all friends of true liberty.
May that great statesman, now burdened with a heavy duty, persevere
in the sentiments of moderation he has always shown through the
excitement of the great struggle, and may we soon hear of the
restoration of his health and the return of peace between the
factions of a great people whom we admire, who have always had our
sympathies, and who will soon resume their exalted station in the
world.
The President of the House. Gentlemen: As
no objection is offered, it is now decided that this house is
unanimous in its approval of the sentiments just expressed by the
two honorable members, whose speeches you have just heard.
