Mr. Romero to Mr. Seward
Mr. Secretary: In virtue of the recommendation which you were pleased to make to me at the interview which we had yesterday at the Department of State, to the effect that I should state to you in writing what I verbally had the honor to represent to you, I now proceed to make to you the following statement:
You know very well with how much anxiety the government of Mexico has been awaiting the termination of the civil war in the United States—since our fate being identified to a certain extent with that of the Union, the success of the latter insured our own, whilst its overthrow would have made our situation more difficult. In fact, the French intervention in Mexico having been, as is already universally admitted, nothing else than a part of the conspiracy which was planned to subvert this government and to break up this country, nothing is more natural than that the principal question in the United States, when once decided in favor of republican institutions, the accessory one, which is being discussed in Mexico, should be decided in the same sense. The success, therefore, of the cause of the independence of Mexico is already beyond all doubt, even to the eyes of the most determined enemies of the republic, and it has now become only a question of time. The duty which the Mexican government has to shorten that time as much as may be possible causes me to address this communication to you.
We had believed that when once the civil war had terminated here, which from its magnitude and importance had absorbed the whole attention of the government of the United States, without permitting it to take the measures necessary to destroy those accessory to the rebellion which were developing themselves in foreign countries, the same government would have to pursue one of these two policies—either to take the steps it might deem proper in order that the French should withdraw themselves from Mexico, or to follow the same policy of neutrality observed up to this period, until peace is finally restored at home and the federal authority is established in the southern States, thus giving time to the Emperor of the French to the endthat, reconsidering his measures, he may abandon an enterprise which is already without object, and which it is utterly impossible to realize, and which, should he persist in it, will involve him most certainly in future complications with the United States, which, when once at peace, will not be able to remain an indifferent spectator of the conquest by a European power of one of the principal regions of this continent in their immediate vicinity.
Upon the choice of these two policies I shall say nothing at this time, for I do not propose in this note to solicit from this government the adoption of the one or of the other. My object is solely to manifest that the time necessary [Page 639] having already elapsed to know which of them has been adopted, we have believed that it is the second; and in this belief, being unable to rely for the time being even upon the moral support of the government to put an end to the war carried on against us by the Emperor of the French, we deem it our duty to inform the government of the United States of what we desire to do in this country in the fulfilment of our duties as Mexicans.
In the first place, I deem it my duty to represent to you that, although the patriotism of the Mexican people is a sufficient guarantee to insure us success over our invaders, and although we have in our country sufficient elements to defend our independence—which elements have enabled us to resist during four years the most persistent efforts of the first military nation of Europe, and will enable us to prolong the contest to the point of compelling our enemies to leave our country—our situation is such that the French might be enabled to remain some years more in Mexico, if they persist in it and our condition does not ameliorate.
It is known that the people of Mexico is without arms. As arms are not manufactured in the republic, we are compelled to use those which we may be enabled to import. The circumstance that some of our ports are occupied and others blockaded by the French, and, above all, the fact that this government had prohibited, to our prejudice, the exportation of arms from the United States, and that we could not obtain them in Europe, because almost all the governments of that continent are hostile to our cause, has caused the government of Mexico, from the commencement of the war, to find itself with a small quantity of muskets, and these in so bad a condition that it is really surprising how the resistance has been prolonged with implements so utterly worthless.
The principal, and almost exclusive, revenues of the Mexican government being derived from the yield of maritime custom-houses of the republic, and the most valuable of these being occupied or blockaded by the French, it follows that the government of the republic has found itself deprived of its revenues in times when it most required them to organize and sustain the armies which defend the independence of the country.
Our situation therefore is, to sum up, the following: with arms and means we can terminate in a few months the war which France is waging against us; and without these elements, we shall be obliged to limit ourselves to resisting the French, who will be enabled to remain in Mexico for an indefinite period, with great danger to the peace of this continent, until they find themselves compelled to quit that country through weariness, if not expelled by the force of arms.
You will understand, Mr. Secretary, that it is the duty of the Mexican government to shorten the war, and to do all that is incumbent upon it to procure the necessary elements to attain that result. The identity of interests existing respecting this point between the United States and Mexico, and, above all, the great sympathy which, with unparalleled unanimity, the people of the United States have manifested, even in the most unfortunate days of the Union, for the cause of the independence of Mexico, have led the Mexican government to believe that, by rendering this sympathy effective, those elements might be derived from it which are required to terminate immediately a war which otherwise might last for years, and all this without compromitting in any manner the government of the United States, and without causing it to deviate, by a single hair’s breadth, from the duties incumbent upon it as a neutral power. Although in the realization of this idea we propose to ourselves to treat with the citizens of this country as individuals, without in any manner compromitting their government, and although what we think of doing is entirely lawful and compatible with the attitude occupied by the United States as a power neutral towards France, we deem it proper to submit our plans to the government of the United States, as a proof of our good faith, of our deference to this government, and with [Page 640] the view of receiving assurances, if this be possible, that no embarrassment will be placed in our way in the execution thereof, since a painful experience has taught us the necessity of taking this step. Reserving, therefore, the consideration of other matters, when circumstances shall require it, our wishes are limited for the present to the two following points:
1st. To negotiate a loan to the government of Mexico in this market, by disposing of bonds which shall contain the guarantees which we consider sufficient to induce speculators to purchase them, and which may make them acceptable to the people of this country. It is indubitable that the duties of a neutral power do not impose upon the United States that of preventing us from realizing our bonds, since this does not constitute the intervention of this government in our behalf. The market is as much, open to us as to our enemies. If the French desire to negotiate a loan here upon the same basis as we—that is, as a private speculation, with which the government has nothing to do—evidently there would be no right to deny it the same. This same right is the one which we wish to exercise now. Our deference towards the government of the United States has reached the point that, notwithstanding we have had a pressing necessity for the funds which such a loan could have furnished us, and that there was a time which seemed most propitious for its realization, we preferred to await until the loan with the United States, which the house of Messrs. Jay Cooke & Co., of Philadelphia, is now selling, should be realized, in order not to appear to be acting in competition with the United States, and desirous of diverting the funds of its citizens to exterior objects while they were needed by their own government.
2d. To purchase arms and munitions of war, and to be enabled to export them to such places as may seem to us proper. After the order of the President of the 3d of May last, which rescinded the prohibition to export arms from the United States, and which has left in all their force the laws and traditions of this country respecting the commerce of belligerents in articles contraband of war, and, above all, after the precedent established by this government of permitting the French officers who arrived in November, 1862, to purchase the means of transportation for the invading army of Mexico, who purchased and exported the articles they needed to wage war against my country, as your department communicated to me in the note which it addressed to me upon this subject under date of the 24th of November aforesaid, it does appear that there cannot be the least cause that we should not be permitted now to do what the laws of this country declare in every respect lawful, and what this government has permitted to our enemies.
I do not doubt that the government of the United States will appreciate the sincerity of the motives which induce me to address it this note, and that it will favor me with a reply which will be entirely satisfactory to my government.
I avail myself with pleasure of this opportunity to renew to you, Mr. Secretary, the assurances of my most distinguished consideration.
Hon. William H. Seward, &c., &c., &c.