Mr. Perry to Mr. Seward
Sir: With my number 165, sent through the despatch agent at London yesterday, you received a copy of a protest which I wrote and delivered to her Majesty’s minister of state on the evening of the 9th instant. A second copy is also enclosed herewith.
At about 7 o’clock in the evening of the 9th instant I had received a telegram from Mr. Fernandez, consular agent at Ferrol, in reply to mine of the morning, giving him instructions that the Stonewall was not to be repaired, and what he was to do in watching her. It informed me that everything should be executed as instructed, and that the authorities were keeping vigilant watch, and nothing would be furnished to the corsair except for the day.
About two hours later, at 9 o’clock, I received another telegram from the same agent, whose copy you will find enclosed. I then immediately wrote the protest, and had it delivered the same evening.
I have since known that the state department were hard at work to prepare copies of documents, and a large package was sent to Mr. Tassara two days since in order to get them thus before you, while I am still ignorant what will be the answer of this government to me.
I have since seen both Mr. Benavides and Mr. Banuelos—the latter twice. No very satisfactory personal explanation can be made for the surprise practiced on me after the negotiation had been virtually terminated as to the repairs of this ship, and the decision announced to me verbally by the assistant secretary of state.
I have, therefore, been disposed to accept whatever was said, and let this point drop easily out of sight The real motives for the change I understand to be these: The present minister of marine is an old officer, the highest in rank on the navy list, and it seems he declared that he could not and would not send seamen out to sea without stopping the leak in their vessel first; he did not understand the distinction made between iron-clad and wooden ships, and if the crew of the Stonewall claimed to stop the leak in the vessel they were aboard of before going to sea they must be allowed to do it.
The disposition had grown strong in the cabinet to get rid of the unwelcome visitor, but it was found he really could not go without something being done for him first. I have no doubt that the conversation of Mr* Mercier with Mr. Benavides instead of being an advantage to me was the reverse. He sustained with me the opinion which he no doubt honestly entertains in common with his government, that all that belongs to the navigabilité or seaworthiness of the ship must be conceded to mariners in the way of repairs to their ship in all civilized ports, no matter who they may be, I do not attempt to foresee how much weight this argument may have with you, called to review calmly all the incidents and bearings of this case, nor, once the position of neutrality as between belligerents is assumed, whether you might not consider this concession of repairs, so far as these relate strictly to the conditions of navagabilité, as a necessary corollary to that false conclusion originally arrived at in 1861 by the governments of Europe. The radical vice is in the first declaration of belligerent rights, and in the position of a neutral or quasi neutral taken towards the insurgents.
I have produced a good deal of hestitation here by my effort to sweep this whole vicious declaration of neutrality entirely away, and if Spain had been alone I have no hesitation in saying I should have succeeded; but the representatives of France and England were consulted by this government. The O’Donnellite opposition, now powerful and menacing in the chambers, had made [Page 489] that declaration, and had made a precedent under it in the case of the Sumter at Cadiz; and this was what they finally fell back upon in spite of the better judgment of Mr. Benavides, and after even he had apparently carried in the cabinet the resolution of no repairs announced to me as reported.
Whatever your decision upon the whole question may be, it was my business here to sustain the whole ground, and reserve the rights of my government in the presence of an adverse decision. The theoretical questions involved go to the President entire and unjudged; practically I have succeeded at least in producing ten days’ hesitation and delay, which have given time for the Niagara to come from England and anchor in the mouth of the bay, where the ram has only been able to begin his repairs after Captain Craven’s appearance on the scene.
My protest has also had the effect to reduce these repairs to the very least possible which can be done once she is touched at all.
Mr. Benavides has promised me an exact and minute statement of all that is done, which will be very much less than what she really needs. They have determined not to touch her armor plates under any circumstances.
It seems the vessel is badly constructed, and makes much water around her helm-ports, both her rudders working in the helm-ports badly. But they have determined not to raise the plates, not to do any thing to her from the outside, and are fothering the helm-ports, and bracing and wedging with wood and iron from the inside. This will stop the leak while she is in smooth water, but whether it will stand the working of the ship in a seaway may be doubted. In fact, so far as I can judge, even if this ram were to meet no enemies but the elements, the attempt to cross the Atlantic ocean at this season may very probably prove disastrous to her crew.
I am very much chagrined and disappointed by the failure of the Sacramento to appear where she is needed.
Enclosed you will find a series of telegrams received in this legation, among which those of Mr. Harvey are answers to as many more from myself referring to this ship. She must be badly disabled, or Mr. Harvey, with so many repeated and urgent instances, would have sent her along to co-operate with the Niagara.
Mr. Wurts has not been able to prepare copies of my own telegrams and letters in time for this despatch, and they will be forwarded by next steamer.
In laying the principal documents in this case before you, I ought to say that, though I have felt called upon to use firm language, and to protest and reserve the rights of the United States in the presence of an adverse decision by the Spanish government, I have not to complain of anything like sympathy or a disposition to aid the insurgents, or of any unfriendly disposition towards the government of the United States or the northern people on the part of any minister or other officer of this government.
On the contrary, I am persuaded that if the present cabinet had found this question completely new and unjudged by others, I should have been able to come to an understanding with the present government of her Catholic Majesty which would have proved satisfactory to you; and it is now, when I am brought by the force of circumstances into a diplomatic conflict with this government, (at least provisionally and until your better judgment can be consulted,) that I take pleasure in saying that I am convinced of the sincere friendliness and entire good will of the present counsellors of her Majesty towards the government of the United States, and that I am personally much better satisfied in this respect now than I have been with other cabinets which have preceded that of the Duke of Valencia.
I have the honor to remain with the highest respect, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington.