[With six enclosures.]

Mr. Bigelow to Mr. Seward

No. 77.]

Sir: The momentous news of Lee’s flight from Richmond has just reached us. We are trying to be grateful, as we should be, for such a signal discomfiture of the enemies of civilization. We are prepared to exclaim with the prophet, “Behold! the Lord’s hand is not shortened that it cannot save, neither His ear heavy that it cannot hear.”That some ear has heard and some hand has saved is the universal feeling here, even among those who were most anxious for a different result. It is now generally conceded by the European press of every political persuasion that the rebels have about reached the point where they should be handed over to the police.

I enclose translations from some of the public journals published the day after the news reached Paris, by which you will see how conclusive upon the question of a disunion of our republic the discomfiture and flight of Lee was regarded.

I am, sir, with great respect, your very obedient servant,

JOHN BIGELOW.

Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, &c.,&c.,&c.

[Enclosure No. 1.]

[Translated from L’Opinion Nationale, April 16, 1865.]

Richmond is fallen. After a bloody hattle of no less than three days’ duration Grant has taken possession of the capital of the slaveholding States, and Lee is routed.

Forty thousand men killed, wounded, or taken prisoners! This enormous loss falls as a death-blow upon the secessionists, who, before this final check, had already drained all their resources, and found no prospect of being able to continue the war, unless by arming the blacks.

The south loses, moreover, along with Eichmond, all that it yet retained of prestige or moral influence. It has no longer a centre around which to rally. Its government has become a wanderer. Born of the rebellion, it will die on a battle-field.

The fall of the south is for us—and we proclaim it loudly—a great, an immense source of joy and of gratification. Blood will cease to flow, the Union is restored, and America, which the folly of the secessionists threatened to lead into the tyrannical and ruinous system of standing armies like those of Europe—America, whom secession might have brought to be ruled by the sword—America will continue to flourish in liberty, and to -give to the Old World an example which it cannot long continue to disregard or reject.

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Another cause, also, a cause dear to civilization, to justice, and to humanity, triumphs with the north—it is the cause of abolitionism. The colored race may rejoice now. Its fetters are forever broken. The African is a freeman in the free republic of the United States; and in resuming his place as a man, he insures the same privilege—no, the same indemnity—to his brethren in Brazil, in Cuba, and Porto Rico.

Let us, then, return a fitting homage of praise and thanksgiving to the men who in the New World so well deserve the thanks of humanity, progress, and liberty; to President Lincoln, who has advanced so firmly on the difficult road which duty pointed out to him; to Mr. Seward, who, in these difficult circumstances, in the midst of serious and ceaselessly recurring complications, has succeeded in keeping his country from the dangers of a foreign war; to General Grant, who has so ably directed the military operations; and to General Sherman, who, in his wonderful expeditions, evinced still more the daring of genius than the genius of daring.

We can now rest assured that peace shall soon reign from the frontiers of British America to the Gulf of Mexico. But other horizons are unfolding before us at the same time. Shall the United States manage to keep on good terms with the two great powers of western Europe?

We hope so; and, in the despatch which we publish, we see that Mr. Seward has declared the firm intention of the cabinet to uphold the doctrine of non-intervention, and to abstain from any attack on the English possessions.

Is it by forgetfulness that the despatch omits mentioning Mexico by the side of Canada?

[Enclosure No. 2.]

[Translated from Le Constitutionnel, April 16, 1865.]

The confederates have just met with a loss which may appear irreparable. After three days of hotly-contested struggle, Richmond (their capital) and Petersburg have been occu pied by the federal troops. General Lee has retreated in the direction of Lynchburg, closely followed by General Grant, who expected to be able to overtake him and to disperse the remainder of his army. This may appear an easy task, if it be true, as stated by correspondents, that the confederates had lost 15,000 men killed or wounded, 25,000 prisoners, and 100 to 200 cannon.

The despatches bringing this important news state that it excited great enthusiasm throughout the north. It would seem, indeed, to herald the close of the war, and the final triumph of the United States.

But it will not be sufficient for them to have conquered; the most important point will be for them to make a moderate use of their victory, and to pursue not only at home, but abroad also, a conciliating and moderate policy.

In this respect, the speech made by Mr. Seward, at Washington, gives us a comforting pledge of the intention of the government of the United States. The honorable Secretary of State declared that, if the people approved of it, the President intended, after the end of this war, to follow a policy of non-intervention. He added, that if England would only give evidence of fairness and justice towards the United States, nothing would be attempted against Canada.

This puts an end to those apprehensions which some sought to propagate concerning the possible consequences of the war in America coming to an end. The United States will attend to their own affairs without wishing to interfere in any way with those of neighboring nations. After all the losses they have to make up, it must be admitted that this is the only wise, practical policy, the only one which is in accordance with their true interests.

[Enclosure No. 3.]

[Translated from Le Temps, April 16, 1865.]

The decisive news from the United States, which we publish to-day, marks one of the most important eras in the nineteenth century, and in history in general. It is impossible to overrate its importance. It is not only the probable and speedy end of a war whose duration and severity afflicted humanity, and of which Europe so sorely felt the consequences; it is not only the fortunate, though dearly bough:, abolition of slavery; it is a victory of inestimable importance for the liberal interests of the whole world.

We may testify of ourselves that never, not even in the darkest times, did we entertain any doubt of the final result. Not only (admitting the perseverance and readiness to make sacrifices to have been equal on both sides) were the resources of the north far superior, and almost inexhaustible, but the faith we have in the destinies of humanity warned us that Washington’s work should not perish, and that the great American republic would pass triumphantly [Page 282] through this ordeal. The trial was deserved, for they had tolerated slavery; but if history has any meaning, if it records anything beyond the action of blind forces, they’ were to come out of it victors. God forbid that we should insult the fallen! They defended heroically, with might and main, a cause which they believed to be just. But they were wrong. They had departed from the path of justice. We should respect their misfortune; we should have compassion on it; but we must also rejoice over their defeat, for their victory would have been a misfortune to humanity.

The United States shall emerge from this crisis, not weakened and diminished, but invigorated and strengthened; with a public debt which they had not before, but which they will carry easily, and with a new consciousness of their might and power. They have with the utmost ease expended an amount of force, and we may even add committed a waste of resources, such as we find no example of in history. They have pursued the avocations of peace while carrying on a terrible war. Their institutions, represented as so weak, have stood the test, and they have succeeded in finding great and successful generals who saved the country without touching on its liberty. Slavery is dead; the republic still standing; and civil war, instead of being the death-blow of liberty, has but promoted and strengthened it. Such results are a novelty in history, and great and happy is the nation which first produced them.

A. NEFFTZER.

[Enclosure No. 4.—Extract.]

[Translated from the Moniteur du Soir, April 16, 1865.]

* * * * * * * * * *

After this bloody battle, which lasted three days, from the 1st to the 3d of April, Lee retreated to the southwest, in the direction of Lynchburg. Grant immediately put himself in pursuit of the confederate army, and his last despatches announce his hope of overtaking him before he has time to reorganize.

Richmond is in flames, Grant having prepared to destroy this city in order to pursue Lee. without fear of anything in his rear.

[Enclosure No. 5.]

[Translated from the Epoque April 16, 1885.]

The interest of all other foreign news pales to-day before the great news we receive from America. General Grant has taken Richmond and Petersburg, after three days of fighting. We had long foreseen and predicted this result, but the success of the federal arms appear to have been still more brilliant and complete than could be expected. The confederate capital is wrapped in flames—kindled by its late defenders, perhaps. Half of the southern army are prisoners of war or destroyed. The remainder are with difficulty retiring, pursued without cease by the victors. It is a wonder if they escape from the overwhelming forces which surround them. Any desperate effort they might yet make would be useless. Their only resource is to disperse.

There is no longer any southern army, any southern confederacy; there is only peace in prospect—necessary, forced, inevitable peace. This is not the time when we should attempt to analyze the results of this triumph of the Union. It is sufficient to foresee them. We know what war produces; who can tell what peace will bring forth?

A. CLANEAU.

[Enclosure No. 6.—Extracts.]

[Translated from Le Pays, April 16, 1865.]

The news from New York, via Crookhaven, confirms our previsions. A bloody encounter has taken place between the armies of the north and south. After three days of a frightful struggle the federal troops have taken possession of Richmond and Petersburg. It was on Monday, the 3d of April, that the federals entered the capital of the Confederate States, which they found in flames.

The battle which compelled Lee to evacuate Richmond must have been hotly contested, for some correspondents estimate that general’s loss at 15,000 men. killed or wounded, 25,000 prisoners, and 100 to 200 cannons; that of the federals is estimated at 7,000 men killed or wounded.

* * * * * * * * * *

We may consider this as ending one of the longest and most bloody periods of the American war. Yet we must not, from the results obtained, conclude that the Struggle is at an end, and that the south is going to lay down its arms.

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The energy of its resistance, the perseverance it has shown in defending its independence, the certainty it has acquired that it can only obtain peace by submitting to hard conditions— all these considerations will certainly maintain the secessionists in arms. The aspect only of the, war shall be changed: it will be a guerilla warfare—terrible, merciless, and of which it is at present impossible to foresee the end.

In a speech he made at Washington, Mr. Seward said that, if the people approved of it, the government would, after the end of the war, pursue a policy of non-intervention. If England acts fairly towards the United States, added the Secretary of State, Canada shall not be disturbed. This promise of non-intervention seems to indicate that the government at Washington is not fully confident in the future.

L. CHAUVET.