Mr. Motley to Mr., Seward.
Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your despatches Nos. 77 and 78, of 14th and 16th July, respectively, which reached me on the 4th of this month.
I am encouraged to make one more effort towards obtaining a semi-weekly telegraphic summary of American intelligence by your statement, that “expense is not reckoned among the hindrances of the enterprise.” And further, that in case I should be able to indicate a feasible system, you would cheerfully adopt it.
The subject at any rate gives me an opportunity of expressing some thoughts [Page 155] which may not entirely be without interest to yon; and as, in my private letter of date August 2, I set down in a familiar and sincere way my latest impressions of cisatlantic politics, I have nothing special to say about them to-day.
I would, then, in the first place, in answer to some of your observations in despatch No. 77, repeat that it is not primarily nor mainly for the sake of influencing the public opinion of Europe that I desire to be, supplied with authentic intelligence by the only vehicle which now brings news. It is for my own information that I require it—speaking of myself as the head of a United States legation, and as an American citizen immovable in the faith that our republic is indivisible, but intensely interested in the passing events of the great revolutionary drama as they reveal themselves
The American civil war—I care not what may be said on the subject to-day in either hemisphere—is simply a revolt of slaveholders against the democratic principle. As such the event will be recorded so long as history shall last. The slaveholders revolted because the people chose a new set of servants pledged to restrain slavery, instead of the series of agents who for forty years had been doing their best to strengthen and extend it. The success of this attempt to perpetuate by force of arms the slave oligarchy and to annihilate the American people is impossible, although the struggle may cost more time, money and blood before the democratic principle has thorougly re-established itself over our whole territory. These essential facts are now accepted by every thinker in Europe. They are also instinctively but dimly perceived and firmly believed in by the great unrepresented, voiceless mass of humanity in Europe; the toiling millions, whose part in life, according to the European scheme, is to be governed, and to hew wood and draw water for those who govern. Those whose future is so deeply interested in the preservation of our republic refuse to believe that it has ceased to exist.
The thinkers of Europe, accordingly, so far as I know, without a solitary exception, and the laboring classes, wish success to the American republic. The dominant classes—with individual and illustrious exceptions—together with the idlers, who are unwilling or unable to form opinions for themselves, desire the success of those who are attempting its destruction. The opinions held by this influential minority in regard to the American war are manufactured for them by their public preceptors who make up what is called the public opinion of Europe.
Now there was a time when this tribunal was regarded by us almost with reverence. That day is, I trust, gone forever. In regard to American affairs, the result of a final analysis of that opinion is simply this:
It is desirable that the great American democratic republic should be de stroyed; an energetic and admirably organized domestic insurrection is attempting its destruction; therefore, that insurrection should be encouraged in every possible way.
No syllogism can be plainer. It would, therefore, be beneath the dignity of the American government publicly to combat these sentiments, or to offer any reply to the stale commonplaces about the “causeless war,” “the miserable war,” “the hopeless war,” with which our ears have been stunned these three years. This crambe repetita is food made by those who feed upon it. One day it will be discovered whether it was wholesome philosophy and philanthrophy, or childish jargon. We have now only to do, not to argue. Every blow upon the head of the rebellion tells with still greater weight upon its foreign sympathizers. So long as we are under a cloud we shall be subjected to calumny, insult and wrong. When the commonwealth has re-established herself she will again be respected as the “grand republic;” and her friendship will be duly prized by those who at present most ostentatiously parade their “neutrality” between her and her assassins, and who exemplify that neutrality in so many astounding ways, In Europe, to be powerful is to be venerated— [Page 156] to be weak is to be trampled upon. Therefore, the public opinion of Europe is, and ought to be, of comparative indifference to us.
The telegraphic summary furnished to Europe by our enemies is, of course, compounded and flavored to suit that public opinion. It is the function of cooks to please the palate of their masters and customers. I have already given you a variety of specimens of the manner in which the events of our war, as they succeed each other, are travestied by the telegraph. I might easily send you a hundred more. A century hence, indeed, if an antiquary should amuse himself with collecting from German newspapers a complete series of semi-weekly telegrams, he would be amazed at the trivial and grotesque manner in which the history of the great anti-slavery war of America was presented during its continuance to the most philosophical and thoughtful nation of Europe. Therefore it is that I do not urge upon you to provide for the European public—or for regular publication at all—the summary for which I most earnestly plead. It is for the legations, not for the public, that information is needed. It is my deliberate opinion that a representative of the United States cannot properly discharge his functions, or maintain his official dignity, if he be kept in profound ignorance of passing events at home, when these events are more important than any others in the world. Yet in that ignorance I have existed ever since I have been here. Practically the post has been abolished by the telegraph, and for American affairs there is no telegraph. The choice is between being supplied by government or remaining in the dark, for the meagre scrap—two lines or so in length—which finds its way twice a week into the local journals of the continent on the arrival of the steamers at Queenstown, is usually a fiction or an enigma.
You are very right in saying that the government is not responsible for telegrams published in Europe, and dated New York. Any one who knows or cares anything about the matter at all is aware that, on the contrary, they are concocted by the enemies of the government. But this is a matter of comparative little consequence. After all, foreign governments and their agents look to the accredited representatives of the United States to learn the truth, whether that truth be agreeable or distasteful. But the world moves so fast in these days that there is not time to wait from five to seven days for correct information—and that is the difference at Vienna, so far as American news is concerned, between post and telegraph. Therefore, the representatives should always be informed by the telegraph. You will say that the world ought to be willing to wait, and to make up its mind deliberately upon such great events as those now transacting on our continent. But I have been struck with the indifference which prevails, and the very superficial amount of information which suffices in these regions as to our affairs. Therefore, the little seed sparsely sown upon the rich soil of European prejudice have ripened into the abundant harvest, which now waves triumphantly all over its surface. It is a prevailing belief in Europe, at which a loyal American, who believes in his country and in human freedom, smiles, that our republic ought to be destroyed, and is destroyed, and that sooner or later we shall acknowledge a truth which Europe, being wiser than we are, has for a long time known.
But this, although a prevailing, is by no means the universal creed. I repeat that I find no difficulty in impressing those whose powers of thought I most respect, and whose opinions I most value, with the sentiments religiously entertained by the vast majority of the American people as to the character and the inevitable result of this war. There are many who would always be interested in any fresh intelligence that I could furnish to sustain my views.
I notice with great respect your objection that the United States government should beware, lest by sending intelligence which might be sometimes inaccurate, mischievous, or insufficient, it should lay itself open to the charge of misleading public opinion in Europe. But I answer that your intelligence would [Page 157] not be prepared for the foreign public at all. It would be intended for the agents and servants abroad of the American people, and it might, I think, be safely left to the discretion of those agents to make a proper use of their information. Why should they not be as discreet in regard to their intelligence by telegraph as in regard to that which comes by post? The difference is simply that letters or newspapers by the ordinary conveyance are as antiquated when they arrive as a letter would be if sent from Washington to New York by a messenger travelling on foot, instead of by the railway. Of course what I should most crave would be a summary of facts of the past half week, made up under your eye by some one in whom you confide, and sent from Washington on the morning of the departure of each regular steamer on Wednesdays and Saturdays. If anything of grave importance occurs on the day when the steamer is touching at Halifax, that also should be sent in a separate telegram. The word “official” might be appended to any statement that was officially known at the time of writing. Where that word was not added it would be inferred that the writer believed the statement made, but did not vouch for it. The character of the person writing the telegraphic letter would be the best guarantee. Let simply a man of intelligence and honesty put down those things which are known to have occurred during the half week. I am aware that there is always a margin for mistakes and self-deception, and the recipient of the intelligence will always make proper allowances. But you must remember the immense advantage which the reader will have in knowing that what he reads is sent sincerely for his instruction; that it is only sent in the interest of truth; that it is intended neither to extenuate facts nor to set them down in malice, nor to invent success, nor suppress disaster; not to affect the market price either of confederate loans or United States bonds; not to favor the views of European stock jobbers or parliamentary stump orators; but simply to enable the representatives of a great and much calumniated nation to do their duty undisturbed by the machinations of its enemies.
The source of the information and the object for which it would be sent would insure its healthfulness. An occasional error would not be so mischievous as the perpetual atmosphere of errors, delusions, and ignorance in which we now exist. The telegraph letter should be sent from Queenstown at once to the chiefs of the various United States legations in England, France, and the continent, in order that they might receive it on the day of the steamer’s arrival there. I repeat that it should be left to their discretion to make a proper use of their information. The governments to which they are accredited and their influential colleagues would always be interested to be informed of facts which were both new and authentic. The public press, which is often rather indifferent than hostile to the United States, and in many regions friendly, might occasionally receive an indirect communication of facts, when in the interest of truth such communications seemed desirable.
Should it not be found feasible to send this telegraphic letter from Washington, for the reasons suggested in your despatches Nos. 77 and 78, it would surely not be impossible to discover some trustworthy and intelligent person in New York who might be charged with preparing it. For example, the telegraphic despatches regularly sent by the Secretary of War to General Dix supply the whole American public with information. Those very telegrams published in the American journals reach us in that way by post many days later than they might do if sent directly to the legations by telegraph. You can have no idea of the effect, both irritating and paralyzing, produced on even the most robust organization by the manner in which all the information of the great events in which we are all so deeply interested is thus poisoned at its source.
But I have already said so much on this subject that I do not like to say more. I entreat you, simply by way of experiment, to cause such a simple summary to be sent either from Washington or New York. If it works ill it can [Page 158] be discontinued after a fair trial. I think the official stamp very desirable, but not indispensable. Were I rich enough, so important do I consider fresh intelligence, I would employ a private friend to send me such a telegraphic letter twice a week so long as I occupied an official position abroad; one whom I could trust not wilfully to deceive me, and not simple enough to swallow every half hour’s wonder, whether of victory or disaster, as gospel truth; and I think I should have no difficulty in finding such a person. The three days’ grace which such a chronicler has for sifting the truth, would preserve him generally from very grave errors.
I have the honor to remain, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.
P. S.—I subjoin a telegram from the Vienna papers received just as I finish this despatch. It is five days since we received any intelligence, and now receive this budget:
“New York, July 27.—A desperate battle was fought near Atlanta on the 22d. The result was undecisive. General Sherman took a position in the fortifications. Hunter has been beaten and retreated to Harper’s Ferry. A new invasion of Maryland was expected. Gold premium 156¾; London, 280.”
We must now wait five days until we get letters or papers of this same date. You can tell better than I whether on the 27th you could have sent a more correct or ample budget of intelligence for the last four or five days than this.
P. S. 2d.—Mr. Charles Hale, agent and consul general of the United States to Egypt, has just passed through Vienna, purposing to take the packet of the 12th from Trieste for Alexandria, to reach Alexandria about the 17th instant.