Mr. Motley to Mr. Seward.
Sir: Without waiting for a reply to my despatch, No. 62, of date 28th June last, I venture a second appeal on the same subject.
The want of accurate telegraphic intelligence concerning American affairs at this legation, and of others far removed from the sea-coast, is really a very serious practical evil. The telegraph has every where superseded the post; but for us it may be said that the post has been abolished and no substitute provided.
Two or three lines twice a week in the corner of a local newspaper, containing generally the most malicious or most improbable fiction that can be culled from the telegraphic budget, furnished by the English purveyors in America to the London press, make up our history. The mass of European readers see little more of United States affairs than these morsels, and thus public opinion is hopelessly depraved. This is comparatively of very little consequence; but it is not an indifferent matter that a representative of the United States should thus always be ignorant of the condition of his own country. Yet as it takes the post always from four to seven days to overtake the telegraph, our despatches and American journals never arrive until after a new telegraphic fiction or enigma has already destroyed their value.
I doubt whether there is an individual at home or abroad more profoundly convinced than I am as to the certainty of the ultimate success of our cause, and as to the impossibility of a triumph for the slaveholders’ attempt to destroy our great republic, but it is not sufficient for a representative of the United States simply to denounce a priori as improbable, and often as ludicrously false, such statements of facts as are presented to the public.
In order to maintain the dignity of his office, and to exercise a proper influence among his colleagues, and among those disposed to make earnest and friendly inquiries as to the state of our affairs, he ought always to be furnished with a full statement of the truth, and this can only be done by forwarding to him by the semi-weekly steamer a telegraphic summary of intelligence. Otherwise he must continue to be in perfect ignorance of the current history of his own country, at a moment when that history, both in itself and for its influence on all human affairs, is far the most important subject now occupying the attention of the world.
It is no exaggeration to say that since I have been here, we have always been under the influence of some perversion, exaggeration, or absolute fraud, perpetrated by the telegraph working in the interest of our enemies.
It is superfluous to point out how such a condition might at times be of serious practical inconvenience. Suppose—what might be the case—it were necessary for a United States minister to repel a strenuous argument in favor of interference by a foreign government in our affairs; and suppose, while he was indignantly repelling such a pretension, he were informed that General Grant [Page 154] was a prisoner in Richmond, that his whole army had capitulated, and that Jefferson Davis was established in Washington. He would, of course, denounce the telegram stating such intelligence as impudently false, and know it to be so, but the telegram would still be believed abroad. This is no monstrous imagination. Two years ago, while stating the condition of our affairs to one of my most influential colleagues, and one very friendly to the United States government, he banded me the morning paper, which I bad happened not to have read. It contained a telegram that General M’Clellan had just signed an unconditional surrender of his whole army, General Lee insisting on an absolute capitulation.
Of course I felt this to be false, and denounced it as false; but how could I prove the falsehood? It was not till four days later that our journals arrived, by which the true condition of things became known. Meantime we had lived under the influence of the poison.
But not to enlarge any farther on this subject, I beg to add that I have just been reading with great interest your communication to Mr. Chandler on the project of an inter-continental telegraph, and I find one or two passages so striking in themselves, and so confirmatory of the point I urge, that I must quote them:
“It would be as easy now to dispense with the steam engine, on land or on sea, in the business of commerce, in social intercourse, or in political affairs, as it would be to forego the use of the telegraph; to be without it is to be isolated.” (p. 17.)
And again: “The United States cannot hope to inspire respect, confidence and good will, abroad, and so secure peace with foreign states, without using the magnetic telegraph when it is possible.” (p. 23.)
Once more, I appeal to you not to leave us thus hopelessly isolated, and to provide us with the means of inspiring respect, confidence and good will abroad.
It would be very easy, and not ruinously expensive, to send a telegraphic summary twice a week from New York to London, thence to be telegraphed by our legations to the legations on the continent. It is true that this summary is not of so much consequence at Paris and London, for two reasons:
1. The post to them is but a few hours behind the telegraph.
2. The telegram in the public papers is so copious, that it is possible for them to make a shrewd guess at the state of affairs, and to discriminate between what is true and what is false; but for all other United States legations it is of vital importance.
I have the honor to remain, respectfully, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.