Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs, Accompanying the Annual Message of the President to the First Session Thirty-eighth Congress, Part II
Mr. Pruyn to Mr. Seward
Sir: I have received from the minister of France an important communication, with an enclosure, copies of which I hasten to transmit to you, agreeably to his request, together with translations of the same, Nos. 1 and 2.
I also transmit No. 3, copy of my reply.
Colonel Neale, her Britannic Majesty’s chargé d’affaires, also addressed me a letter, of which I enclose copy, (enclosure No. 4,) together with No. 5, copy of my reply.
At the expiration of the time noted I understand it is the intention of the ministers and admirals of France and Great Britain, in the event of the refusal of the Tycoon to accept the proffered aid, to resort to measures of coercion.
I have barely time to prepare this for the mail, and send it without further remark.
I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your most obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington.
[Confidential.]
Sir: I have had the honor to inform you, verbally, of the position taken by France in regard to the reparation demanded by England for the attacks made on several occasions against British subjects, a question which, though especially [Page 1089] regarding the English nation, yet has, in view of the various circumstances under which it presented and developed itself, a character of general interest for all the powers having treaties with Japan, because the denial of the right of security guaranteed to foreigners by solemn conventions must necessarily affect in a serious manner the obligations contracted by the Japanese empire with the western world.
The government of his Majesty the Emperor of the French deeming it proper, by the presence of the French flag in the Yedo waters, near the flag of England preferring the demand for satisfaction, to give proof of the solidarity which in such case must unite the western powers, has given to Admiral Jaurés, commanding-in-chief the forces of France in the China and Japan seas, the requisite instructions to carry out this object as he may judge proper, according to the nature of the circumstances and the facts within his knowledge, as well for this special question as for all others.
Already on the 21st of April last, under the impression that the Yedo government might be inclined again on this occasion to evade the demands for reparation presented by the government of the Queen of Great Britain for the blood shed with impunity; I had, previous to the arrival of Admiral Jaurés, felt the necessity of clearly acquainting the government of Japan with the opinion of France on the Anglo-Japanese question.
I think it proper, sir, to transmit to you herewith a copy of the letter which I wrote to the Gorogia on that occasion.
Meanwhile Admiral Jaurés, having re-established order in Cochin China, fortunately arrived here to study seriously with the minister of the Emperor the grave questions which at this moment are presenting themselves.
We went to work immediately, and have conscientiously studied the state of affairs in all its phases and from all points of view. Being then called to the councils of the British authorities, according to established custom in these parts, where our two nations always show themselves united in the cause of Christian civilization, we, Admiral Jaurés and myself, while keeping in view our instructions of moral support, have supported a course of conciliation. I was preparing myself to enter frankly upon this course with the Japanese government, when reliable intelligence enlightened us upon the importance of this government, even in matters of the most limited importance, in consequence of the state of excitement at which now the parties have arrived, which are carrying all the elements of moderation in the Japanese confederation and the government of the Tycoon itself to a state of things amounting to annulment of the treaties of 1858.
Documents of the most conclusive nature on the deplorable disposition of the daimios and the court of the Mikado in regard to foreigners have been laid before us, and these documents perfectly agree with those which two months ago came into the hands of your excellency, the authenticity whereof was guaranteed to you by the government of the Tycoon itself about the time that an envoy of the Gorogio informed the legations of France and England that the Tycoon was going to Kioto for the purpose of quieting the effects of the opposition of the Japanese princes against the treaties. This was the day before the diplomatic residences at Yedo were destroyed by fire.
We have then judged, in view of the present unsettled state of the minds of the higher classes in Japan, that, in the first place, regard should be had to guarantee as much as possible the execution of the treaties, evidently threatened by this deplorable crisis which has lasted so many months already and is indefinitely lengthened; and that, in order to arrive at a satisfactory result, or one in agreement with the nature of our treaties, we had best leave special questions to one or other of the treaty powers, and take advantage of the presence of the naval forces of the two nations, to frankly offer to the regular government, with which we have treated for the empire of Japan, the support which may be useful to it, in order to triumph over the blind antagonists of its foreign policy.
[Page 1090]I have, therefore, in concert with the representative of Great Britain, made to the government of the Tycoon the formal proposition of the full support in the present circumstances, not only of the forces now assembled in Kanagawa roads, but also of such additional force as may be necessary.
We shall await for some days the answer of the government of the Tycoon, after which, in case of refusal, we leave to this sovereign the entire responsibility of his acts or the events, by acting according to circumstances, and with the consciousness of having exhausted all the means of arriving at understanding and conciliation, to find ourselves only in presence of formal refusals, either to just demands, or to frank, useful, and regular propositions.
I hope, sir, as also does my colleague of England, that this line of action will receive the approbation of all the governments having treaties with Japan, and that you will be pleased to submit it to the government of the United States.
Be pleased, sir, to accept the assurance of the high consideration with which I have the honor to be your excellency’s most obedient, humble servant,
His Excellency General Pruyn, Minister Resident of the United States.
The Minister of France to the Gorogio
Excellencies: I exceedingly regret at this grave juncture that an accident which seriously affected my health this last fortnight prevented me from communicating to the government of the Tycoon, as well my personal views, always animated by the sincerest feelings of equity and conciliation, as those of the government of his Majesty the Emperor of the French, my august sovereign, respecting the question of the demand now being presented by the government of her Majesty the Queen of England on the subject of the several murderous assaults upon British subjects in the empire of Japan, where the government of the Tycoon had solemnly engaged itself to guarantee free movement and security to foreigners.
Notwithstanding the illness which prevented my occupying myself actively with the business now pending, I have had an opportunity of obtaining information upon all the various phases of the present situation, and I have embraced every opportunity to give to the government of the Tycoon my advice and the opinion of the imperial government, hoping that this advice, and my comments which accompanied it, might have some influence upon the decision of the Japanese government.
Time passes rapidly, though without bringing any solution; and from the silence kept towards me by the high government of Japan, even in regard to the various questions specially relating to France, notwithstanding the steps I personally took at Yedo in February last, I must conclude that my officious (officientes) communications have not reached the Japanese government in the manner in which I took care to present them in a conversation which I had with the minister of the United States on the important subject of the British demand.
Hence it is now my duty to renew this communication to the Japanese government more directly, in order that it may be enabled to derive from it, in the discussions which may arise in the councils of state in the present situation, such benefit as may best subserve the interests of justice, as also those of the quiet and tranquillity of this empire, with which the European powers have no [Page 1091] other object than to live in perfect harmony under that unchangeable respect for the rights and the dignity of all the treaty powers of which the principles of international law prescribe to all nations a scrupulous observance or courteous reparation when accidental offence has been given to the right or the dignity of one or other amongst them.
The government of the Emperor has been informed by the British government that the representative of her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain had received instructions to claim, from the government of the Tycoon, justice for the barbarous assaults so audaciously committed by subjects of the Japanese empire upon British subjects.
The Japanese government will acknowledge that the government of the Emperor of the French has given earnest proof of its kind disposition towards Japan.
Taking into consideration in various respects, and for a certain time, the internal difficulties which, as stated by the government of the Tycoon, it meets with in the execution of the treaties; but, on the other hand, and even because of the cordiality of which it has so often given proof to the Japanese government, it has deemed proper in the interest of the Japanese government itself to manifest its opinion on the bearing of the obligations of the government of this empire in such regretable circumstances as those now in question; hence the imperial government, actuated by the hope that this manifestation of opinion would furnish the government of the Tycoon with additional argument to triumph over the obstacles which its disposition to respond to the demands of England might encounter on the part of obstreperous minds, has decided that the presence of the French flag in the waters of Yedo, when the representatives of her Britannic Majesty would present the demand, should establish, in promotion of a happy solution of the present difficulties, its concurrence in opinion, which in this case joins it to the just cause, which the government of the Queen of Great Britain finds itself in the incontestable right to maintain, by claiming from the sense of justice of a government so enlightened as that of the Tycoon an honorable satisfaction for the blood of its subjects, shed with impunity in the entire absence of provocation in time of peace, and contrary to all principles of natural as well as of treaty rights.
In bringing this communication to the knowledge of the high government of Japan, I cherish the hope that the result, the accomplishment of which the government of my august sovereign has had in view in taking this decision, will only promote peace and good relations between Japan and the western powers.
[Untitled]
Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt this morning of your excellency’s letter of the 5th instant, transmitted through the United States consulate at Kanagawa.
The views therein communicated by your excellency, as to the propriety of giving support to the Tycoon, are in harmony with those expressed at our conference at Too Senje, the day succeeding the unfortunate murders of June. It has always appeared to me that it was the true policy and duty of the treaty powers to give to this government moral support, and material support even, if called on, against the hostility which the liberal policy it has inaugurated has naturally aroused in a portion of this empire.
The harmonious and vigorous co-operation of all the treaty powers in support of the Tycoon would be regarded by me as likely to confirm his power, [Page 1092] and peaceably, but not the less effectually, to bring about a favorable solution of all the internal troubles of this empire growing out of its foreign relations, and all its complications with the treaty powers.
It would, moreover, be in accord with the proposal of the President of the United States to the treaty powers in 1861.
I shall transmit a copy of your letter to my government with great pleasure, though I expect to receive instructions on the question before your letter will have reached the United States.
On the 16th of February last I communicated to my government the information that the government of Japan feared a civil war might take place, and had asked me what course the United States would pursue in such event; to which I had replied, “that the United States would be deeply interested in such a struggle, and that all the moral support it could render, and all the material support which would be justified by international law, would doubtless be given; and that it was my opinion that, if called on by the government of the Tycoon for aid, all the treaty powers would be justified in giving it in self-defence, and would give it if, as was said, the object of the hostile daimios was to drive out foreigners.”
I have reason, therefore, to hope that even by this time our respective governments may have interchanged views on the subject in question.
Should the government of his Majesty the Tycoon be disposed meanwhile to accept the assistance of the fleets of France and England, now in these seas, I have no observation to offer, as neither your excellency nor our colleague of Great Britain has done me the honor either to invite me to your conference or to ask my opinion in reference to the results of your deliberations.
The government of his Majesty the Tycoon has, I have reason to believe, full faith in the peaceful and friendly disposition of the government of the United States, but at the same time, also, full knowledge of the conditions attached thereto, as it has very recently, as heretofore, been distinctly informed, pursuant to express instructions given me to that effect, “that it can only have friendship, or even peace, with the United States, by protecting citizens and subjects of foreign powers from domestic violence.”
Your allusion in your letter to the Gorogio of the 21st ultimo, with a copy of which you have kindly favored me, to a conversation with myself, induces me to remark, that though your excellency made no request that I should make the Japanese government acquainted with the opinions you expressed, I did not fail, in view both of your absence from Yedo and your unfortunate accident, to make known that your excellency was of opinion that the demand of her Britannic Majesty’s government should be promptly complied with, and that your excellency expected the French admiral to arrive here for the purpose of testifying to the sympathy of his Imperial Majesty’s government with the British demand for reparation.
Be pleased to accept, sir, the assurance of the high consideration with which I have the honor to be your excellency’s most obedient, humble servant,
His Excellency Duchesne de Bellecourt, Minister Plenipotentiary of France in Japan.
[Untitled]
Sir: I have had the honor on more than one occasion to communicate to you the situation of the differences pending between her Britannic Majesty’s government and that of Japan, arising out of the barbarous murders committed upon British subjects.
[Page 1093]The last intimation which I had the honor to make was, to acquaint you that, upon the earnest representations of the Japanese government, I had extended the term for a definite reply to the categorical demands for reparation which I had been instructed by my government to make to the 11th instant.
As the period approached for the expiration of this new term, my colleague, the representative of his Majesty the Emperor of the French, in pursuance of his instructions, informed the Japanese ministers of the entire sympathy of the Emperor’s government with the just cause in which her Majesty’s government found itself at issue with that of Japan, and of the desire of the Emperor that the French flag should appear by the side of that of Great Britain, during the demonstration which might become necessary to bring the Japanese government to a true sense of its duty and of its treaty obligations.
In this conjuncture, Rear-Admiral Jaures, commanding his Imperial Majesty’s naval forces in China and Japan, has arrived at this anchorage, when, after judging for himself of the situation of affairs, he has declared his firm and resolute intention of acting in concert with the British admiral in the present critical situation of affairs.
Under these circumstances, the natural result has been the adoption of a just action between the diplomatic and naval authorities of the two nations in respect to the present difficulties.
Impressed with these sentiments, and taking into earnest consideration the evident difficulties of the Tycoon’s government, arising out of the increasing hostility of certain powerful daimios, thereby placing in peril the very existence of the Tycoon’s dynasty and its incapacity to carry out its treaty engagements, my colleague of France, and myself, have distinctly informed the envoy of the Gorogio, Ta Ke Moto-Kai-no Kami, conjointly, and in the presence and with the concurrence of the British and French admirals, that, desirous of averting by all possible means in our power, and to the last extremity, all interruption of peaceful relations, the British and French admirals were prepared to strengthen the hands of the Tycoon’s government by an active co-operation against the hostile daimios, who have ranged themselves under the banner of the Mikado, to wage a war of antagonism against the Tycoon, and under pressure impede him from carrying out the obligations he has deliberately contracted with foreign states.
The grounds upon which this proffered aid is based, is 1st, the avowal of the Tycoon’s government itself of the opposition it encounters in its relations with foreigners, on the part of certain powerful daimios specifically named; 2d, upon the knowledge which has been conveyed to us of peremptory and arrogant written appeals addressed to the Tycoon and his counsel, by eleven of the most influential of those daimios, against all intercourse with foreigners, and the authenticity of which is not denied by the government envoy; and, finally, upon a correspondence between the Mikado and the Tycoon, wherein the former enjoins the immediate expulsion of foreigners; the authenticity of which, as you are aware, and did us the honor officially to inform us, was, with slight reserve, acknowledged by the Tycoon’s government.
The proffer of assistance thus made with as much frankness as earnestness must necessarily be communicated to the Tycoon himself, and with this view an additional term has now been solicited and granted for its acceptance or rejection; or, in other words, whether it will accept such undoubted and unmistakable proof of our earnest desire to make every possible allowance for the difficult situation of the Tycoon and his government, by coming now to its aid, in order that it may become enabled to carry out its inevitable obligations, or take upon itself the responsibility of a refusal.
The new term referred to extends to the 21st instant, at the expiration of which I shall again have the honor to inform you of the situation of affairs; but I would especially request your attention to the fact that the fresh term [Page 1094] now accorded, during which no aggressive act will be directed against the Japanese government and territory, is conditional, the Japanese envoy having consented to arrest the lamentable condition of affairs at Yokohama, and to adopt measures to arrest any further departure of the inhabitants, and assuring, also, the provisioning of the town. A failure in carrying into effect these engagements will be held by the British and French admirals to be an initiative of hostilities on the part of the Tycoon’s government, which is avowedly, and in fact, sufficiently strong to put a stop to a panic purposely instigated with a view to plunder and confusion. A continuance of the present condition of affairs on the part of the Japanese authorities will, therefore, necessitate, on the part of the British and French admirals, corresponding measures, which, should they become necessary, will be duly communicated to the representatives of foreign States.
I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient, humble servant,
General R. H. Pruyn, Minister Resident of the United States in Japan.
[Untitled]
Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 6th instant. I was this day informed by the government that a letter had been received from the minister for foreign affairs at Kioto, stating that his Majesty the Tycoon had arrived in that city on the 4th, and had an interview with the Mikado on the 7th of this third month, which had been continued from 10 o’clock a. m. till midnight; that his reception had been agreeable in all respects, and far more pleasant than he had anticipated; that his final audience was to have taken place on the 12th, and the time for his departure was fixed for the 14th of this third Japanese month; but that the Tycoon, at the time of their writing, had been ordered to remain for some days longer, and that the day when he would leave was therefore unknown.
The tenor of the letter led the government to expect there would be a better accord between the Mikado and the Tycoon.
I was also informed at the same time that Ta-ke-mo-to Kai-no-kami had that day left for Kioto on a special mission to the Tycoon in reference to the proposals made by yourself and the minister of France; that it was expected seven days each way would be occupied in his journey, and one day for his stay in that city, and he was expected to return on the 23d instant.
I cherish the hope that an arrangement may be made which will finally determine the policy of this empire and preserve to it the blessings of peace.
I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient, humble servant,
Colonel E. St. John Neale, Her Britannic Majesty’s Chargé d’affaires in Japan.