Foreign Relations of the United States, 1977–1980, Volume XIX, South Asia

124. Letter From President Carter to Indian Prime Minister Desai¹

Washington, February 5, 1979

Dear Mr. Prime Minister:

Thank you for your letter of December 4.² I was especially pleased to learn of your Government’s approval of the proposal to establish an ad hoc Scientific Advisory Committee to look into the question of safeguards on all nuclear activities and whether they will affect peaceful nuclear research and development. Because of the urgency of this matter, I had Ambassador Goheen confirm to Mr. Shankar on December 22 my acceptance of the framework for this committee,³ which had been agreed to during Ambassador Pickering and Dr. Nye’s visit.⁴ The Committee should be an important step forward in our effort to find a mutually-acceptable solution to the nuclear issues between us, and I trust it will be able to move ahead promptly so that its report will be available to our two Governments on schedule in August 1979.

I fully understand that the Nuclear Regulatory Commission’s delay in acting on the latest application for fuel for Tarapur is causing your government concern. I realize this is providing ammunition to those who wish to criticize your stance on peaceful nuclear activities and continued cooperation with the United States. You know the independent status of the Commission within our system of government. We have, however, been able to intervene to expedite consideration and secure a prompt deadline for action by the Commission. I believe that the Commission will act favorably on the application and I will continue to do everything I can to expedite such a decision.

I also want to reassure you of my intention to continue supply during the period provided by law. I believe that the Congress will support this. As for the other pending license application you mentioned, we are working expeditiously to provide our recommendation to the Commission.

I appreciate your continuing interest in the SALT and Comprehensive Test Ban negotiations. We are very near an agreement with the Soviets on SALT II. Agreement has already been reached on most of the substantive issues. The remaining issues are important to both sides. Nevertheless, I am hopeful that final agreement will be reached within the near future. Talks on the Comprehensive Test Ban are scheduled to resume as I write this letter. We have made much progress in working out the text of the agreement, but more months of hard negotiations will be required to work out the detailed verification measures we seek. Some of the measures that are essential to the successful implementation of the treaty, such as on-site inspections and the exchange of seismic data from especially-equipped stations, break new ground in arms control verification. These efforts make for complex and difficult negotiations.

The Department of State and our Embassy in New Delhi have briefed officials of your government on our agreement with the People’s Republic of China to establish full diplomatic relations.⁵ I delayed answering your letter so that I could take into account the meetings with Vice Premier Deng that have just concluded.⁶ This step was not taken for any short-term tactical advantage. It is the culmination of a long process of normalization that began in 1972 with President Nixon’s visit to China.

I would like to add my personal assurances to you that our decision and the relationship with China that results will not come at the expense of our relations with any other nation. There has been no lessening of our desire for better relations with the Soviet Union or our pursuit of arms control agreements with that nation.

There will be those who will allege that normalization of relations with China is an indication that the United States is turning away from India or will somehow give preference to our relationship with China. I am sure you know that this is not the case. Strengthening of the relationship between India and the United States that you and I have rebuilt remains one of the major foreign policy goals of my Administration. In fact recent developments have only added to its importance. Should any doubt on this matter arise, I hope that in the spirit of frankness and confidence that characterizes our friendship, you will write to me and share your concerns.

Throughout my meetings with Vice Premier Deng, I stressed the importance of stability in South Asia and the importance that I ascribe to the relationship between India and the United States. I also pointed out that we looked to China to play a constructive role in eliminating the problems that have long plagued the subcontinent. I believe this is in China’s interest and hope that they will in fact do so. Foreign Minister Vajpayee’s discussions in Beijing will provide the opportunity to explore not only improvement of bilateral relations but also steps that can contribute to regional stability.⁷

We are, as you know, deeply concerned about developments in Southwest Asia where we have important interests and long-standing ties with several countries. The shift in Afghanistan worries us. We are trying to keep up a productive relationship with the new government but are frankly not finding it easy. With regard to Iran, I share the views that you expressed in your letter. It is important that Iran find solutions to its problems that both meet the concerns of its people and contribute to the peace and development of the region. Outside powers must not aggravate Iran’s problems but there may be ways that its friends, including India and the United States, may be able to be helpful.

We are pondering how we can best play a useful role in Southwest Asia, where you and Foreign Minister Vajpayee have made important contributions to improved relations among the countries of the region. I would value your advice on how we can best contribute towards that process and the overall goal of peaceful change in ways consonant with our interests and those of our friends. Deputy Secretary Christopher unfortunately had to postpone his visit to New Delhi but has now rescheduled it for the end of this month. His discussions will be an important contribution to our policy deliberations. Secretary Vance and I will be able to pursue this further when Foreign Minister Vajpayee comes to Washington later this spring.

Secretary of Commerce Kreps has reported to me on her successful mission to India.⁸ Her visit is one more example of the vitality of the relations that are developing between our two countries. I believe that consultations between the senior officials of our two governments on both bilateral and international matters can build on the foundation that we have laid and make a major contribution to increased understanding of each other’s positions.

Sincerely, with best wishes,⁹

Jimmy Carter

1. Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy File, P790031–0370. Secret.
2. See Document 118.
3. See footnote 5, Document 123.
4. See Document 115.
5. Telegram 19371 from New Delhi, December 18, 1978, provided an analysis of the Indian Government’s reaction to the Sino-U.S. mutual official diplomatic recognition on January 1, commenting: “MEA’s cautious reaction, which is diplomatically correct but not markedly exuberant, probably represents concern about the likely impact of the announcement on Sino-Soviet relations. Chinese EmbOff, in chance meeting with US counterpart evening of December 17, said he found Indian statement bland and lacking.” (National Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy File, D780523–0539)
6. Carter and Deng held a series of meetings January 29–30 in Washington. See Foreign Relations, 1977–1980, vol. XIII, China, Documents 204–208.
7. During Vajpayee’s visit to China, which began on February 12, Chinese forces invaded Vietnam. According to telegram 2791 from New Delhi, Vajpayee cut his visit short and left China on February 19 in protest. (National Archives, RG 59, Central Foreign Policy File, D790077–1094)
8. See Document 117.
9. Carter handwrote: “with best wishes.”