146. Statement by Secretary of State-Designate Muskie1
Let me begin with a basic point: I believe now, as I believed a week ago, that the Congress must be a full partner in designing our international posture and must be fully informed on its implementation. The Administration, the nation, and our foreign policies are the stronger when the Congress is consulted before major policy decisions are made, and during the course of major negotiations.
This is the first of what I expect to be many discussions with this committee. I look to Capitol Hill—to my colleagues and friends here—for guidance as well as support, for suggestions and healthy challenge. I also want to take a moment to offer some general views—on our foreign policy, on the role of the Secretary of State, on the connection between our international posture and our condition at home.
We are a nation of great power. Our actions and decisions have global effects. For our own people, for our friends around the world—and for those who are not our friends—our fundamental course must always be clear.
I have brought no detailed new blueprint to this hearing. Only days ago I was seated on your side of this room. In the days ahead I will be carefully reviewing all significant elements of our international posture. Presumably I will recommend to the President that we adjust some old policies and assert some new initiatives. But I can certainly state this much now; I would not be here if I did not support the central elements of the foreign policy now in place—the policy that has been fashioned by President Carter and Secretary Vance.
While there may be changes, there will also be continuity. Our nation’s foreign policies will continue to serve our nation’s interests—the [Page 725] same interests that previous Administrations and previous Secretaries of State have sought to defend and advance.
Foreign Policy
Let me begin with my fundamental beliefs. I believe in strong American defenses. We must maintain the military balance. We must continue to modernize all elements of our defense forces. Dollars spent on defense, as in any other area, must never be dollars wasted.
I believe in strong alliances—in our collective defense, in continuing to strengthen our forces, in consulting regularly and with trust.
I believe in a firm and balanced policy toward the Soviet Union. The search for common ground has been disrupted not by American preference but by Soviet action. While aggression continues we must not relent in imposing a heavy price. As Soviet policies allow, we must never be blind to opportunities to work for peace.
I believe that balanced arms control agreements fortify our security. The SALT II agreement is no gift to our rivals; it can serve our own interests by limiting the threats we face.
I believe in a positive diplomacy of active engagement. It is in our interest to work for peace in troubled areas, especially the Middle East. It is to our advantage to improve our relations with nations which have interests in common with us—including many whose views and values differ from ours. We must build our new relationship with the People’s Republic of China. We must continue to broaden our ties to the nations of the Third World and of Eastern Europe.
And I believe that America must stand for human progress. Our freedom and rights are more secure when freedom and human dignity are advanced around the world. Our own economy is strengthened by the economic progress of others. We must lead international efforts to surmount an international energy crisis and its consequences; to address the condition of hundreds of millions of human beings living in degrading poverty; and to strengthen an international trading system that is fair to our workers and our farmers, our businessmen and our consumers.
These past months have been times of great trial. Terrorism in Iran, aggression in Afghanistan, radical escalation in the price of petroleum—these and other challenges will test us fully in months to come.
But the past few years have been times also of accomplishment and strong American leadership. Modernization of conventional and theater nuclear forces in NATO, Camp David, SALT II, China normalization, the Panama Canal treaty, peace in Zimbabwe, regular economic summits, successful multilateral trade negotiations, human rights advances in many countries, each is a new strength we can use to buttress American leadership in the future.
[Page 726]I am confident of that leadership or I would not be here before you. Americans want their country to be a constructive international presence. And we are. We have many strengths, not least of which is our system of values, founded upon a belief in individual worth.
Role of the Secretary of State
Your inquiry today is directed not only to the substance of our foreign policies but also to my concept of the role of the Secretary of State. The Secretary of State must carry out a number of duties. And priorities must be set among them. These are my priorities.
First, and most important, the Secretary of State is the principal adviser to the President on foreign policy issues. He must have the primary responsibility for recommending our foreign policy course, and seeing that the President’s decisions are then implemented. President Carter has made it clear that he expects me to play this role, and I intend to do so.
Second, the Secretary of State is the President’s principal spokesman for his foreign policies. I intend to be very active in this role. I strongly believe in the value of clear and direct public discussion of our foreign policies. And I intend to consult very closely with the Congress on the shape and direction of our foreign policies.
Third, the Secretary of State must make sure that the State Department and the Foreign Service, as a whole, are fully engaged in the processes by which policy is made and in discussions of foreign policy with the Congress and our public. Neither the Secretary nor the Department can succeed if they do not have confidence in each other, and work together.
I intend to make full use of the Department and our Ambassadors in a fourth role: the conduct of our diplomacy abroad. There are times when only a Secretary of State can manage a negotiation for our nation. But to the extent possible, I will limit my own travel and rely on our skilled diplomats.
A Secretary of State has other roles, as well: in administration of the State Department, in helping manage and coordinate the overseas activities of U.S. Government agencies, and in managing the flow of information from the State Department to the White House and other agencies. Each must be carried out efficiently. Each should require less of the Secretary’s time than the first roles I discussed.
This is my concept of the job. The President has said that he supports me in it. I will need your support, and counsel, as well.
Concluding Thoughts
Let me conclude with these thoughts. I come to this new assignment after 22 years as a member of the U.S. Senate. I have participated [Page 727] with many of you in the foreign policy debates of the past decade—indeed, the past generation.
Through these trials our society has been moved to strengthen and vigorously exercise our machinery for dissent and disagreement. That is all to the good. We are better for it.
But our challenges call on us to focus as intently upon another part of our national character—our ability to pull together and respond as Americans when our interests are under attack.
I do not believe there can be unanimity on the great and complex questions before us. But there can be a spirit of cooperation as we address them. I appear before you today in that spirit.
- Source: Department of State Bulletin, June 1980, pp. 1–2. Muskie testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in support of his nomination. The Senate confirmed Muskie’s nomination on May 7 by a vote of 94 to 2. At a White House ceremony on May 8, Muskie was sworn in as Secretary of State. For the President’s and Muskie’s remarks, see Public Papers: Carter, 1980–81, Book I, pp. 861–864.↩