352. Letter From Prime Minister Papadopoulos to President Johnson 1
Dear Mr. President,
I deem it imperative today to expose to you officially and with due responsibility the causes, the aims, and the prospects of the Revolution of April 21st, 1967. I take this step, prompted by the hope that certain misunderstandings as to the nature of the change that has taken place in Greece will thus be cleared. These I consider detrimental to the interests of both nations concerned, as well as to the Free World.
Our country is honored as the cradle of Democracy. This very fact has placed all powers friendly to Greece, as well as all champions of Democracy in an embarrassing position. The regime which existed before the present change, however, had no relation whatsoever with Democracy. It was a regime of factious debauchery, unrestrained demagogy and disintegrating corruption.
It had three basic characteristics: a steady fall toward economic collapse, an ever-increasing deterioration of all institutions, and the menacing erosion caused by Communism in political parties, in the press, in a part of society, and in the government itself. In this corner of Europe, as you well know, Communism has thrice tried to seize power by revolutions which steeped the country in blood. The last (1946–1949) would have inevitably made a captive of Greece behind the Iron Curtain if the United States of America had not materially helped my greatly menaced country.
The Revolution of April 21st, 1967, took place on the eve of certain civil war—the inevitable result of the elections set for May 28. These elections, whatever the verdict at the polls, would not have solved the ever growing crisis. On the contrary, they would have brought it to an explosive climax. And in the midst of the nightmarish chaos that would have ensued, only the Communist Party—the sole organized power besides the Army—would have prevailed. Its persistent attempts to descend to the Mediterranean and annihilate the eastern flank of the Atlantic Treaty would have been crowned with success.
[Page 720]Those who undertook the responsibility to restrain this process at the very last minute, have an individual record of more than ten years’ struggle against every shade of Totalitarianism in favor of Freedom and Democracy. They have never thought of imposing a personal regime. Their awareness of responsibility—so lacking in others—as well as their sensitiveness as perceptors of the people’s anxiety, due to their origin as members of the armed forces, urged them toward this venture.
The success of this venture, without any bloodshed—a success unique in the annals of world history—is clear proof that the imposed change was an expression of the wishes of a great majority of the Greek people. The latest events (the counter revolution of December 13, headed by the Sovereign of the State himself) constituted a second test for the Revolution, proving once more its necessity, its sway over the people, and its absolute de facto stability.
On the solemn occasion of this my written communication with you, I wish to assure the President of the United States of the following:
It is not the intent of the Revolution to impose a permanent regime, at variance with the fundamental principles proclaimed and championed by the Free World—headed by the United States of America.
The suspension of only a certain number of articles of the 1952 Constitution is temporary. A new Constitution, brought up to date, will eventually be given to the Greek people, no later than 1968.
The regime of this country—Democracy together with a hereditary Sovereign (Constitutional Monarchy)—will remain unaltered.
As soon as the Revolution has accomplished its mission, that is, as soon as it has set the foundations for the economic development of the country, brought the functions of the government up to date, and safeguarded the democratic institutions from the Communist menace, it will call upon the Greek people to elect its deputies in a free, general and secret vote.
The National Government would willingly set the date of the country’s entrance into the smooth course of representative government, rid of all the ugliness and dangers of the past, if this were practically possible and psychologically advisable.
Mr. President,
When the Revolution of April 21st took place, Greece was much in the same state as Czechoslovakia had been before February 1948. Ever since World War II, Communism has coveted Greece for strategic and other reasons. This is why Communism has so actively stirred world propaganda against our National Government, thus influencing—as you know far better than myself—a large number of non-Communist elements who shape politics and form public opinion in the Free World.
[Page 721]In this address to you today, the Greek Government hopes that both its professions and its assertions will be duly estimated, and that its sincere devotion to its allies and to the principles of the Free World will meet with due response from the Government of the United States of America.
On the occasion, please allow me to express my best wishes for the New Year.
With kindest personal regards,
- Source: Department of State, Greek Desk Files: Lot 71 D 6, POL US. No classification marking. A covering memorandum from Bromley Smith of the NSC, attached to the source text, notes that the letter was “brought by hand from Greece and then delivered to the White House through a private citizen.” The citizen was Tom Pappas, President of Esso-Pappas. In a January 10 memorandum for the President, Rostow commented that the letter was a plea for recognition and endorsed the Department of State’s suggestion that the President delay a reply until “a useful time.” (Johnson Library, National Security File, Country File, Greece, Vol. 3)↩