Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968, Volume XV, Germany and Berlin

137. Letter From the Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs (Barber) to the Director of the Office of Atlantic Political and Military Affairs (Spiers)¹

Washington, December 16, 1965.

Dear Ron:

I have been struck by the continued discussions of the unification question in private at high levels within the NATO community. It seems to me that we may not be able to keep this issue in a low key much longer. We may face a choice between a US initiative or a German initiative. I, and I think the Germans, would prefer a US initiative with widespread European support to a German initiative. I would suggest that we consider a statement of principles on Europe similar to those of McCloy/Zorin on disarmament.² Attached are my thoughts on such a statement of principles. I realize these are somewhat different than the 1961 statement of principles on Europe³ but the situation has changed and a statement which reflects the need and a solution which is acceptable to both Eastern and Western Europe is necessary if we are to maintain the support of those on the Continent who believe, whether mistakenly or not, that the Soviet Union might agree to an evolutionary program. Clearly thoughts of early unification are illusory.

If there is merit in such an approach, it should be discussed with the Germans and our NATO allies before any discussions with the Russians.

I hope the above is useful.

Sincerely,

Art

Attachment⁴

STATEMENT OF AGREED PRINCIPLES (FOR DISCUSSION WITH THE GERMAN, FRENCH, AND BRITISH GOVERNMENTS)

1. The nations of Europe agree that armed force should not be used to change the political and social systems, or geographical boundaries of any nation in Europe, and that peaceful negotiations should be utilized to resolve problems between nations.

2. Progress toward a lasting peace in Europe should proceed by stages, with provisions for a stage-by-stage review to insure fulfillment of past obligations prior to initiation of new ones.

3. Each stage in the process should be balanced in such a way that no state or group of states will gain a military advantage through its implementation, thus insuring equally the security of all concerned.

4. The future of Europe should rest upon the right of all its people to self-determination.

5. The Four Powers would retain their special responsibilities in Germany until a European peace treaty is signed.

6. In the interests of a lasting peace and an effective system of European security, the Four Powers would consult with all European states in the process of developing a program for peace in Europe.

1. Source: Department of State, Central Files, POL 32–4 GER. Secret. Also sent to Vincent Baker (D) and Llewellyn Thompson.
2. Reference is to the joint statement of agreed principles for disarmament negotiations, adopted by the UN General Assembly on September 20, 1961. For text, see American Foreign Policy: Current Documents, 1961, pp. 1091–1094.
3. For text, see ibid., pp. 470–472.
4. Confidential.