282. Memorandum From the Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs (Cleveland) to Secretary of State Rusk1

SUBJECT

  • Current Issues Before the United Nations

On Tuesday President Johnson, through Ambassador Stevenson, reaffirmed support for “every practical move to add to the capacity of the UN to keep the peace and aid new nations to reach the stage of self-sustaining growth.”

Our ability to achieve the above will depend principally on what happens in regard to the following:

1.
Whether the Soviet Union will insist upon provoking a constitutional crisis by maintaining its “financial veto” on peacekeeping operations although threatened with loss of its vote under Article 19.
2.
Whether emotionalism over the hard-core remnants of colonialism, plus the racial issues in Africa, will present us with the hard choice of backing mandatory sanctions against South Africa and Portugal or losing the support of Africans on issues vital to us.
3.
Whether the majority in the General Assembly—now speaking for the underdeveloped “south”—will insist upon new institutions, programs, or actions in the economic and social areas which are unacceptable to the United States and the other members from the industrialized “north”. The issues which we face in the United Nations fall under five headings:

I. The Development of the UN’s Peacekeeping Capacity

Much of the growth of UN’s peacekeeping capacity has been achieved despite obstruction from the USSR and its associated countries. On the whole these countries have looked upon the UN as an instrument for “conference diplomacy”. But despite Soviet vetoes in the Security Council and despite Soviet efforts to impose a troika over the office of the Secretary-General, the UN has steadily moved forward in strengthening its executive and peacekeeping operations.

The Soviets have shown some signs of reconsidering their hard line of attempting to prevent the development of the UN’s operational [Page 623] capacity. If there is a change of tactics and they begin participating more actively in the executive side of the UN’s work, the opportunities this opens up will be matched by increased difficulties for the United States—for the Soviet policy of boycotting and complaining from the sidelines in the UN has enabled the U.S. and some of its Western allies to build an organization responsive to Western leadership, embracing in our interests the universal symbolism of a global organization. The Soviet attempts to share this leadership in UN operations from day-to-day could require substantial changes in our own tactics-just as things would have been far different if the Soviets had decided to participate in, say, the Marshall Plan or the UN Congo operation in the past.

The Crisis in Peacekeeping Financing. The most urgent problem which will face the United Nations during the next few months concerns the financing of peacekeeping operations. Last year, the General Assembly accepted an Advisory Opinion of the International Court holding that assessments for peacekeeping operations were binding upon all the members. This brings arrearages in the payment of such assessments within the provisions of Article 19 of the Charter. Under this Article if the Soviets fail to pay approximately $14 million of their arrears on the UN peacekeeping operations in the Middle East and the Congo, they would lose their vote at the first meeting of the General Assembly held in 1964. A direct confrontation in the UN on this issue would mean a major constitutional crisis. The Soviets maintain that the loss of vote is not automatic but would require, contrary to the express wording of Article 19, a 2/3 vote of the General Assembly.

Some hints have been dropped to both UN and US officials by Soviet diplomats in New York that a US–USSR agreement with regard to the future financing of peacekeeping operations might be helpful in resolving the arrearage question. Before entering into any serious discussion with the Soviet Union on this matter, the United States (with Congressional support) should be clear as to whether or not we ourselves can accept an assessment scale for peacekeeping operations which would put our assessment in the 37 to 38% range. Secondly, we will need to be clear as to whether any new measures are required to protect the US against future General Assembly assessments for peacekeeping operations of which we might not approve. It is possible that there should be some new screening mechanism through which all special UN peacekeeping financing measures should pass before being laid before the full UN membership in the Fifth Committee. Staff work is underway on both of these issues at the present time and policy decisions will need to be made early in the new year.

The question of arrearages is not a matter for the UN alone. It has arisen in the Organization of American States (OAS), in an even more acute form. Here there is no loss of vote provision and the US pays at an assessed rate of 66%.

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Continuation of Present Peacekeeping Operations. The UN Emergency Force (UNEF) continues its effective work on the Israel-Egyptian border. The UN Congo Force (UNOC) has been continued until July 1, 1964. The UN Observation Group (UNYOM) in Yemen has been extended until January 4. UN Observers continue to police the cease-fire line in Kashmir.

Norway, Denmark, Sweden, Finland, the Netherlands and Canada have earmarked military units for UN service. It is anticipated that informal discussions between these countries and the UN Secretary-General on the training of officer and unit personnel will take place soon after the conclusion of the 18th General Assembly.

II. Colonialism and Human Rights

The decolonization process has now come firmly against the hard-core racial issues in the southern third of Africa. The African countries are beginning more seriously to relate our support or lack of support of their policies in this struggle to other issues in the United Nations (Chinese representation and loss of vote for USSR) which are of major importance.

Apartheid in South Africa. In the Security Council debate on apartheid, which began on November 27, the United States may be faced on a racial issue with the choice of casting its first veto or permitting a resolution to be adopted providing for punitive sanctions against South Africa. We are seeking to sidetrack extreme proposals, including a provision in a resolution calling for an oil embargo. Venezuela’s vote is likely to be key and an approach to President Bentancourt of Venezuela will be necessary.

Southwest Africa. Also looming on the horizon is the question of South Africa’s attempt to incorporate the mandated territory of Southwest Africa into the Republic and to extend to it South Africa’s apartheid policies. The question of Southwest Africa is clearly an international one and poses the sanctions problem in a very different context.

Portuguese Territories. The Security Council will also consider the Portuguese territories question. Our objective is to utilize the Council to promote a resumption of quiet talks between Portugal and the Africans. Council consideration will bring to the fore again the role and relative importance in our overall strategy of the military base in the Azores. The debate will also highlight afresh the apparent Portuguese division of American military assistance for use in the Portuguese territories.

Captain Galvao. The United States may be confronted within the next two weeks with another difficult conflict of obligations. Captain Galvao is opposed to Salazar’s policies on the Portuguese territories; he [Page 625] achieved fame by hijacking the Portuguese liner Santa Maria early in 1961. Galvao has now been invited (by an Afro-Asian majority) to appear before the UN General Assembly’s Fourth Committee.

Under the UN Headquarters Agreement the U.S. is required to admit him so that he may appear before the Committee. At the same time, the United States has an extradition treaty with Portugal, the terms of which would make him subject to arrest for a hearing on his extradition—once he sets foot on U.S. territory. The Portuguese have said they will exercise their rights under the treaty. We are asking the Portuguese not to exercise their rights under the treaty. If they do, we will need to decide whether to arrange Galvao’s visit so as to avoid his being arrested.

Human Rights. The growing power of the Afro-Asian nations in the United Nations has resulted in pressure for the Declaration on Racial Discrimination to be followed by a Convention on Racial Discrimination. This convention would be drawn up early in the new year by the UN Human Rights Commission and would be presented to the next General Assembly. While it is difficult in the present setting to oppose such a convention, the U.S. is exploring ways in which the UN’s operational capacity can be increased for defusing certain human rights questions through quiet fact-finding, and in which other human rights questions can be handled in a less political way through being considered in the context of the world-wide development of human rights. This may involve giving the UN Human Rights Commission, or a rapporteur responsible to it, more freedom of initiative. It was decided last week to withhold a U.S. proposal along these lines, in order not to confuse further the domestic debate on civil rights legislation.

III. The Rich Countries and the Poor Countries

With the entry of so many former colonies into independence and UN membership, the confrontation of the world’s impoverished “south” and the industrialized “north” is reflected in several issues of major concern at the United Nations.

UN Conference on Trade and Development. Ever since World War II, the United States has relied on GATT as a primary instrument for dealing with trade and tariff questions. Now the less-developed countries are moving to try to create a new mechanism in which they could have a predominant voice. In response to a decision at the Seventeenth Session of the General Assembly, the United Nations beginning on March 25 will hold a Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). The conference is expected to last for approximately three months. The less-developed countries, led by Brazil, the UAR, Yugoslavia, India and Nigeria, have indicated they expect a new set of UN institutions to emerge from this conference—with effective powers [Page 626] to review, and if possible to change, existing international arrangements governing trade relationships.

The ability of the Western nations, led in this case by the United States, to preserve the status of GATT, while providing within existing UN framework a better opportunity to conduct trade discussions and debates, will be crucial both for the evolution of GATT and the future usefulness of the UN as an instrument in the trade field.

Initiatives at the 18th General Assembly. In his speech at the opening of the Eighteenth General Assembly, President Kennedy proposed the establishment of a World Health Communications Center under the World Health Organization (WHO), to warn of epidemics and the adverse effects of certain drugs, and the establishment of regional research centers which would advance medical knowledge and provide for the training of scientists and doctors in less-developed regions. Meanwhile the French have proposed the establishment of a World Cancer Research Unit under WHO to which nations would contribute up to 1/2 of 1 percent of their budgets. These several initiatives will be discussed in detail early in the new year by the Executive Board and plenary meetings of WHO.

IV. Cooperation in Outer Space

The United Nations has under way a vigorous program of international cooperation in the peaceful uses of outer space. A Declaration of Legal Principles is expected to be approved at this Assembly, followed by the drafting of international agreements on liability for space vehicle accidents and the return of astronauts and equipment which land in other than the launching countries. Measures will be taken under the UN’s aegis to strengthen scientific cooperation as, for example, in the endorsement by the UN of a sounding rocket facility in India open to space experiments by all members. The World Meteorological Organization will be implementing plans already approved to establish a world weather watch, using satellites as well as ground facilities, to bring improved weather forecasts and increased knowledge in the atmospheric sciences. Finally, following the successful agreements reached by the International Telecommunications Union on the allocation of radio frequencies for space communications, the U.S. and other countries will be negotiating an international agreement establishing a new organization for the ownership and management of a global communications satellite system.

V. Institutional Questions

It is not surprising that an institutional structure developed for an initial United Nations membership of 51 is proving inadequate for a membership of 111.

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An Increase in the Membership of the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council. The United States for several years has been on record publicly in favor of an increase of the Security Council to 13 from its present membership of 11 and an increase of the Economic and Social Council to 24 from its membership of 18. We are being pressed by the new nations to broaden their representation on the UN Councils, and would like to bring them in rather than redistribute seats at the expense of Europe and Latin America. We are concentrating in the first instance on the enlargement of the Economic and Social Council which does not raise a number of delicate issues which arise in connection with the Security Council. In the past the enlargement of the Security Council has been blocked by the Soviet Union since it has linked this question with Chinese representation. This has helped us maintain the present favorable composition of the Security Council without any appreciable adverse criticism being directed at us. There are indications that the Soviets may unlink the enlargement question from the Chinese representation issue. We will continue to indicate our willingness to support a modest increase of two on the Security Council. A resolution incorporating one or both of such proposed Charter amendments may pass this session of the Assembly. Any Charter amendments will be subject to ratification.

Improving the Operation of the UN Agencies. For the past year there has been underway a U.S. program designed to improve the staffing, the effective administration and the financial management of UN agencies. The Department has had the assistance of an Advisory Committee on International Organizations, composed of leading persons who have held important posts either in the UN or the U.S. Government. Two reports have been issued. The first is entitled “Staffing International Organizations.” The second is entitled “The Technical Cooperation Programs of the United Nations System”. The third report, just being published, deals with financial management of the UN agencies.

The principal proposal made in the technical assistance report was for the merger of the United Nations Special Fund and the Expanded Technical Assistance into a single UN Development Administration. This proposal will be taken up by a UN committee early in the new year. The third report on financial management deals, inter alia, with the problems of effective controls on the budgets of the UN Specialized Agencies. This is a problem which has also been of concern to Congress. The Foreign Assistance Act currently before Congress includes a Senate amendment which would place a dollar limit on the annual contribution of the U.S. to the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO). While the elimination of this amendment may be possible, it points to the timeliness of the type of initiative already underway in the Department of State.

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Economic Aid to Cuba. During the consideration of the AID authorization, the House approved, but the Senate did not insert, an amendment to prevent voluntary contributions to any international organization providing assistance to Cuba. It is thus clear that the United States must have a defensible position on economic assistance to Cuba by UN bodies. This issue could arise in January in connection with the programs of UNICEF or the UN Special Fund. In general, the U.S. continues to oppose economic assistance to Cuba.

Date for the Next Session of the General Assembly. In the election year of 1956, the opening of the General Assembly was delayed until after the United States election. This coming year, UN Headquarters in New York will be undergoing substantial interior reconstruction in order to accommodate the larger membership. In view of the delicate issues likely to arise next fall (Article 19 and Chinese representation), there may be considerable advantage in promoting quietly a delay in the opening date of the 19th General Assembly to November 1964.2

  1. Source: National Archives and Records Administration, RG 59, Central Files 1960–63, UN 3–1. Confidential.
  2. A proposal for a delay was transmitted in telegram 1530 to USUN, November 27. (Ibid., UN 3 GA)