257. Circular Airgram From the Department of State to All Posts1

CA-166

SUBJECT

  • Security Council Election at 18th General Assembly

There are at this time four candidates-Bolivia, Czechoslovakia, Ivory Coast, and Malaya—for election at 18th GA to fill three SC seats currently occupied by Ghana, Philippines, and Venezuela. Both Malaya and the Ivory Coast have said they are candidates to succeed Ghana in what has been traditionally the Commonwealth seat, although we hope they will decide to drop their specification about which seat they want. (This is important. Otherwise they will compete with each other, leaving Czechoslovakia uncontested for the Philippine seat.) According to Malayans, they have endorsement of the old Commonwealth, Ghana, Nigeria, and several other Asian and African countries, while the Ivory Coast candidacy has UAM endorsement and reportedly that of a substantial number of other African countries. There are, so far as Dept aware, no other African or Asian SC candidacies on horizon.

UN Charter stipulates that in electing non-permanent members SC “due regard” should be paid to their contribution to the maintenance of international peace and security and other purposes of Charter and also to “equitable geographical distribution”. The original geographic allocation of SC seats provided such equitable distribution in terms original membership. In terms of present membership it fails to do so, making no separate provision for either Asian or African representation.

Only real solution to this problem lies in enlargement SC, which however, USSR prevents by its position it will ratify no amendments UN Charter until Chinese Communists seated in UN. In this situation U.S. has taken position since 1955 that seat originally allocated Eastern Europe should be considered “floating” pending enlargement. While this approach has not been entirely successful, it has provided some opportunity for Asian representation outside Commonwealth members; Philippines twice and Turkey once have held “floating seat” for term split with Eastern Europe and Japan occupied “floating seat” for full term. With the large increase since 1960 in number of African UN members further adjustment obviously required if legitimate African as well as Asian demands for greater opportunity representation on SC to [Page 571] be met. A second seat can, however, only be made available at expense of free world and therefore presents delicate political problem. Moreover, further political problem of protecting Western voting position on SC is also involved, since loss of WE or LA seat to A–As would undermine this position.

In circumstances, Dept believes best device is now to think in terms of an “African” and an “Asian” seat, using “floating seat” and “Commonwealth seat” for this purpose, at same time seeking to preserve concept that one of non-permanent members continues to be from Commonwealth. Adoption of this concept would give Africa, the Middle East (under original allocation), and Asia each one SC seat, thus providing the A–As as a whole with three out of the six non-permanent seats on SC, and thereby meeting the Charter criterion of equitable geographic distribution since the A–As constitute roughly one half UN membership. Adoption of this concept would also be consistent with the precedent set by the 12th GA resolution allocating geographically GA vice presidencies and committee chairmanships. Finally, adoption of this concept would have least adverse effect on over-all composition SC from Western standpoint since Commonwealth now very largely comprised newly independent countries, most of them in Africa or Asia.

If matter SC elections raised by FonOff or on first appropriate occasion Embassy should therefore make clear to FonOff, unless it perceives serious objections, U.S. believes A–As should continue hold three of six non-permanent SC seats as they do now (Ghana, Morocco, Philippines) commensurate with their number in UN. Dept also believes both Asia and Africa south of Sahara, as well as Middle East, should continue be represented on SC. Therefore, while U.S. has so far given no formal commitment of support to any candidates for election SC at 18th GA, Dept expects vote for an Asian and an African candidate to succeed Philippines and Ghana, respectively, and to vote for LA to succeed Venezuela. On basis present candidacies this would mean Malaya and Ivory Coast, both of which US would be happy see on SC. U.S. also expects vote for an LA to succeed Venezuela. Malaya in Asian seat would also represent Commonwealth.

Dept hopes other friendly UN members will reach same conclusion. Not only does Dept believe this only equitable solution problem created by Soviet prevention enlargement SC but also that denial seat to Eastern Europe is concrete means of maintaining pressure on USSR to permit enlargement.

If possibility shifting one of two LA seats on SC to Africa is raised, Embassy should make clear that in U.S. view remedy of one injustice by another offers no solution. LAs originally proposed and have since consistently supported enlargement SC to provide great opportunities for representation of new UN membership and USSR alone prevents success [Page 572] of this LA initiative. In these circumstances, U.S. would hope free world nations would not permit situation to arise in which regional groups within free world bicker among themselves over possibility raiding LA seat, and thus jeopardize success one of their candidacies to advantage Soviet bloc.

Embassy should also make clear U.S. not prepared see “floating” seat go back to Eastern Europe until USSR permits enlargement SC.

For LA Posts: You should indicate FonOff Dept assumes LAs will wish make every effort protect their SC seat in view possible development African drive, apparently led by Ghana, gain SC seat at expense LA. Dept believes LAs would be well advised promptly agree support both African and Asian candidates, once situation with respect these candidacies sufficiently clarified, in return for assurances of support of LA candidate. Dept recognizes some defections among A–As probably inevitable but sees no real threat LA candidacy even if Soviet bloc fails support, so long as no concerted drive for LA seat develops among A–As.

For AF Posts: FYI. Success formula described above depends not only on minimization bickering over particular seat to be filled but also on avoidance rival candidacies within region. You should point this out as appropriate and report any indication of AF candidacies other than that mentioned first paragraph. End FYI.

For Abidjan: Embassy may wish draw particular attention FonOff desirability its not continuing specify seat for which it candidate.

For London: As Embassy will recall, need provide for African representation SC and possible shift of Commonwealth seat to meet this need has been discussed both with FonOff and UK Del in New York. UK has never given any definitive response our approaches this subject. It is USUN’s impression insistence on response most likely produce negative one but that British prepared, so long as formal concurrence not requested, acquiesce in solution described first full paragraph on page 2 above.

Rusk
  1. Source: National Archives and Records Administration, RG 59, Central Files 1960–63, UN 8 SC. Confidential. Drafted by Virginia F. Hartley on July 2; cleared by Curtis Strong, George N. Monsma, Joseph J. Sisco, Richard Friedman, Louise McNutt, and James M. Ludlow; and approved by Woodruff Wallner.