43. Letter From Prime Minister Nehru to President Eisenhower1
My Dear Mr. President: Ambassador Bunker handed over to me on the 16th May your personal letter of the 14th May. I am grateful to you for your personal interest and concern in matters affecting us. I hope you will forgive me for the delay in sending a reply to your letter.
Soon after I received your letter, I left Delhi for a brief rest in the inner valleys of the Himalayas. Ambassador Bunker himself suggested that there was no necessity for an immediate reply to be sent to you and that this could wait till my return. Apart from my absence from Delhi, the suggestions you were good enough to make in your letter required very careful consideration by us, as they raised important issues.
Even before I left Delhi, I had a long talk with Ambassador Bunker on the subject of your letter and pointed out to him the various aspects of the problems and the difficulties we had to face. On my return from the mountains, I had another long interview with Ambassador Bunker. He was good enough to give me a note amplifying the proposal made in your letter. We discussed this also. I have no doubt that the Ambassador has communicated to you what I said to him on both these occasions.
I need not, therefore, write at any length now. But I am taking the liberty of enclosing a copy of the report of a speech I made in our Parliament on April 6, 1958.2 This deals with Indo-Pakistan relations and I attempted to give in it our approach to all the problems that had arisen between India and Pakistan. It deals, in particular, with the basic difficulty we have faced throughout these years in our dealings with Pakistan. There is also reference in it to the report that Dr. Graham made to the Security Council after his recent visit to India.
This speech will, I hope, make it clear to you how anxious we have been ever since independence to have normal and friendly relations with Pakistan. We had hoped that the old conflicts and the policy of hatred and violence, pursued by the old Muslim League, which indeed had led to the partition, would cease. It was obviously to the advantage of both countries to live in peace and friendship with each [Page 118] other and to devote themselves to their social and economic development which was so urgently needed to give a social content to our freedom and independence. Unfortunately for us and for Pakistan, our hopes were not realized and the Pakistan Government continued to pursue that old policy of hatred and violence. Every Government that comes into power in Pakistan bases itself on this policy of hatred against India. It is the basic fact that has to be recognized. In our opinion, the settlement we so ardently desire cannot come if this policy of hatred continues.
Military pacts and military aid have made Pakistan think in terms of coercing India. No self-respecting country can submit to this; much more so when that country is an aggrieved party and the other country continues to profit by its aggression. Unfortunately, the encouragement that Pakistan has received, in the Security Council and elsewhere, has led her to continue her policy of aggressive intransigence.
I realise fully that, whatever the rights and wrongs may be in regard to these disputes, it is highly desirable to settle them and turn the course of events in the direction of peace and cooperation. I entirely agree with you, Mr. President, that we should make every effort to this end. The question that arises is how best this can be done, because a wrong step may well lead to further difficulties. We have experience of trying to explore various avenues and making proposals for discussion, which found no response from Pakistan and led to further confusion. Indeed we were made to suffer for every step that we took in the hope of facilitating a settlement. Despite all this, it is our desire that our two countries should resolve their differences and develop friendly relations with each other. To this end, we shall continue to work, but, in doing so, we cannot submit to what we consider basically wrong, for any such submission would not solve any problem and would only aggravate our conflicts.
We have always been of the view that a settlement of our various issues with Pakistan can only be arrived at satisfactorily by direct contacts between the two countries. If third parties intervene, even though that intervention proceeds from goodwill, the position becomes entirely different. The aggressor country and the country against whom aggression has taken place, are put on the same level, both pleading before that third party. It is this difficulty that has faced me in considering the proposal that you have made. Ambassador Bunker has told me that it is not intended that any person should act as a judge or umpire. Nevertheless, by whatever name the third person might be called, his intervention would tend to be regarded as of that kind and might well add to the present difficulties. Any visit of such person could not be kept secret and the result would be greater public excitement.
[Page 119]Kashmir, Canal Waters and other matters in issue between India and Pakistan are the result and not the basic cause of Pakistan hostility to India. The atmosphere between the two countries has been worsened further by the incitement by Pakistan authorities of subversion and sabotage in Kashmir and by speeches by Pakistan leaders advocating holy war against India. Pakistan authorities have been responsible for frequent border incidents; early this week, seven of our border police were shot down in cold blood while negotiating under the white flag with their Pakistan counterparts along the border.
I have ventured to point out frankly the difficulties that face us. At the same time, I appreciate greatly your concern and I am anxious to explore all possibilities which might lead to happier results. I do not think, for the reasons I have given above, that a visit by a special representative, as suggested by you, would be helpful. Ambassador Bunker is in touch with us and we shall gladly discuss with him any development that might arise or any avenue that might offer itself for exploration.
May I again express my gratitude to you, Mr. President, for your personal approach to these matters which concern us intimately. I know that you and your country mean well by us and we are happy that there has been a growing understanding between our countries.
With warm regards,
Yours sincerely,
- Source: Department of State, Presidential Correspondence: Lot 66 D 204, Nehru. Secret. The text of this letter was transmitted in telegram 3136 from New Delhi, June 8, with the following comments by Ambassador Bunker: “Yesterday afternoon Desai handed me Prime Minister Nehru’s reply to President Eisenhower’s letter of May 14 regarding package proposal. Signed original of letter being pouched. Our comments being sent in immediately following telegram.” (Ibid., Central Files, 690D.91/6–858)↩
- Not printed.↩