292. Letter From President Eisenhower to President Tito1
Dear Mr. President: I am indeed grateful for your message of August twenty-sixth2 expressing your views on various questions which directly concern both of our countries. Events have moved rapidly since then and it does not seem appropriate to discuss in detail the concrete problems of our bilateral relations in the economic and military fields about which you wrote me. This is not because these matters are not important to both our countries, but because I think they are, or soon will be, on their way to a mutually satisfactory solution through negotiations or conversations in regular channels between our Governments.
I am sure we can agree that the cordial relations between our two countries are due, above all else, to our common stand in favor of national sovereignty, independence and non-interference in the internal affairs of other nations. Our two countries have also supported international cooperation in an increasingly interdependent world. Because we both adhere to these principles, we have seen that our relations can serve as proof that dissimilar governments can not only respect each other but also work together.
With respect to the dramatic yet tragic events in Eastern Europe, I am reminded of what Secretary of State Dulles told me of his conversations with you a year ago3 and I have observed how well those [Page 755] discussions anticipated current trends. Many of the favorable developments can be credited, I am sure, to the personal efforts which I understand you made in Belgrade in 1955 and in Moscow in 1956 to persuade the Soviet leaders to engage themselves not to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries.
Until set back by ruthless full-scale Soviet intervention in Hungary, this trend seemed to open up the possibility of creating better conditions in Eastern Europe. Much now depends on the course of action adopted by the Soviet Union. Our concern at conditions in Eastern Europe in the last decade has been caused not alone by social and economic conditions there or by ideological practices. Our greatest concern has arisen from the Soviet domination exercised over most of the area and from the totalitarian rule of suppression of freedom which has accompanied it. This extension of Soviet power into the heart of Europe poses a grave threat to the security of the whole world.
Tensions in Europe cannot really and permanently be relaxed until the Soviet Union has retired to its frontiers and released Eastern Europe from its grip. The events in Hungary show that desperation may lead a defenseless people to rebel against an oppressive regime which they know has the means for forceful suppression. But I want to assure you that our policy has never been to encourage or induce such revolt by any people. Independence for these nations does not preclude the Soviet Union’s having friendly neighbors on its frontiers, but should facilitate this result. It seems to me inevitable that the area will develop into one of hatred for Russia instead of one of peace unless the Soviet Union makes a constructive contribution conforming with the true desires of the people.
You may be assured that the United States does not seek to derive any special benefit or to impose its concepts on these lands. As I announced in my broadcast to the American Nation on October thirty-first,4 we have, with respect to the Soviet Union, sought to remove any fears that we would look upon any government in the Eastern Europe countries as potential military allies. I said that we had no such ulterior purpose and that we see these people as friends and wish simply that they be friends who are free. I have also made it clear, with the Yugoslav example in mind, that the United States stands ready to furnish assistance without political conditions to those people in Eastern Europe who have started on the path to true national independence.
I believe these views accord with your own. While very much regretting that Yugoslavia in the United Nations was unable to take a [Page 756] stand on some phases involved in Soviet repression of the Hungarian people, we welcome your Government’s support for the United Nations’ action requesting immediate withdrawal of Soviet troops from Hungary. I also think you can take satisfaction from the fact that your efforts have consistently been in the direction of greater independence for the Eastern European countries. Efforts of this kind will be needed all the more because of the consequences produced in Hungary by a reversal of this trend and because of Soviet pressures being exerted on the new Polish Government. I believe I appreciate something at least of the difficulties the current situation has created for your Government.
I have been happy to note the appreciation shown by your Delegation at the United Nations of the role the United States has been playing with respect to the Middle East crisis. I hope we may be able to count upon your country’s support of action by the United Nations which will restore peace to the area.
It has occurred to me that although we have exchanged views on developments on a number of occasions through letters between us, this has hardly been an adequate substitute for a personal contact. It would give me great pleasure if you could find it convenient and agreeable to visit me in Washington sometime during the coming year. I would suggest that a suitable date could be arranged by our respective ambassadors through diplomatic channels.
With every good wish,
Sincerely,5
- Source: Eisenhower Library, Whitman File. Secret. The text of the letter was sent to the Embassy in Belgrade in telegram 385, November 13, with instructions that it be delivered to Tito as soon as possible. (Department of State, PPS Files: Lot 66 D 487, Yugoslavia)↩
- See footnote 2, Document 284.↩
- See Documents 263–265.↩
- For text of the President’s address, see Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1956, p. 1060.↩
- Printed from an unsigned copy.↩