AF files, lot 58 D 459, “Miscellaneous”

The Consul General at Salisbury (Sims) to the Director, Office of African Affairs (Bourgerie)

confidential
official informal personal

Dear Al: By now you have seen the telegram sent from Capetown embodying the highlights and recommendations of the Consular Conference.1 I enclose herewith copy of my paper which I presented on the first day. Since there was not sufficient time to submit this paper to you for review prior to the Conference, I trust that what I said meets with your approval.

I am of the opinion that the Conference was highly successful, and, in so far as our operations here at Salisbury are concerned, it was very useful. All of the Officers in the Union having anything to do with Central Africa were unanimous in contending that the pressure of their own work in the Union precludes proper coverage of activities and developments in Central Africa. In other words, the Minerals Attaché, Economic and Agricultural Officers, say they cannot cover both the Union and Central Africa and do a proper job.

You will observe that the first recommendation of the Conference deals with the question of Native Affairs. It was agreed by all, with the exception of Don Lamm, that this question is the most important that faces us in this region. You will observe that I dealt with this in my paper, and unbeknownst to me the same thoughts had been occupying the attention of Ambassador Gallman, Joe Sweeney, and Dave Robertson. I do not know what the prospects are for assigning an officer to undertake this important work, but if the recommendation of the Conference is acted upon I would like to submit the following ideas for your consideration.

First, it occurs to me that there are two eminently qualified men for the job of covering Native developments (nationalism) in this region. [Page 8] They are Joe Sweeney who returns shortly to a desk job in the Department, and the other one is “Bill” Brown of DRN.2 Either one would do a top-notch job. Under any circumstance the appointee must not be a “long-haired” guy with no knowledge of Africa. You will observe we recommend such an officer be centrally located. In this connection, I refer you to my observations on pages 7 and 8 of my paper,3 which I believe are sufficiently self-explanatory.

I firmly believe that the appointment of such an officer would be one of the most important contributions the Department could make in our efforts to understand the race problems which presently beset this part of the world. If, at any time in the future our inquisitive Congressional Committees should look into our policies toward this race-torn continent, and review our efforts to be one step ahead of developments, I am certain they would applaud the appointment of a Native Affairs Officer.

Ambassador Gallman is anxious that the next Conference be a combined one, including the Union and West Central and East African posts. I presume he will make the necessary recommendations concerning this.

There was considerable informal discussion which emanated voluntarily from the key officers in the Union concerning the desirability of transferring South Africa to your shop and everyone seems to be agreed that it is the proper thing to do. The Ambassador told me he was going to study the matter and would then probably approach the Department informally on the subject. They all felt that they would get a better deal administratively and also receive more attention from the Political Office.

At your convenience, I would appreciate having your reaction to my paper and the Conference’s recommendations.

With all good wishes,

As ever,

Harry

[Enclosure]

Statement by the Consul General at Salisbury (Sims) to the American Consular Conference, Capetown, March 11–13, 1952

confidential

Review of Problems in Central Africa

Mr. Ambassador:4

[Page 9]

Gentlemen:

The importance of Central Africa, consisting of the self-governing country of Southern Rhodesia and the two British Protectorates of Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland, lies in its centralized geographic position; its economic and political relationship with contiguous territories, South African, Belgian, Portuguese and British; its native problems; its role as an area of European settlement in which problems of development and race relations are crucial; and the significance of its strategic raw materials to the Free World.

Stated more specifically, but without attempting a comprehensive formulation, the following constitute the major problems for analyses in Central Africa.

Economic

Aside from routine reporting on economic affairs, it is essential to the welfare of the Free World that basic analyses of the economic potentialities of the region be undertaken, with emphasis on the fundamental factors in economic developments such as capital available, transportation facilities, the quality and character of technical and managerial personnel, volume and productivity of the labor force and government policy toward economic development. Careful studies of the prospects for farming—European and Native—mining and industry are required. We hope to initiate detailed studies of such projects as the Sabi-Lundi irrigation scheme and the possibilities inherent in the Kariba Gorge hydroelectric scheme. Economic relations with contiguous territories, the United Kingdom, the United States and other non-African countries should be carefully reviewed.

Significant of the development which has taken place in Southern Rhodesia in recent years, is the statement released by the World Bank when it granted a 28 million dollar loan to the country on February 28.5 The Bank said: “Southern Rhodesia has grown at one of the most rapid rates of economic expansion to be found anywhere in the world.”

With the limited staff which we have in Salisbury it is apparent that proper coverage of this fast growing area is not possible. We are fortunate, however, to have the assistance of Mr. Frisbie, who has been given the task of covering the basic mineral reporting for Central Africa. In view of the rapid expansion now taking place throughout Central Africa in the base mineral industry and the importance of these raw materials to our rearmament program, I would like to suggest that this Conference review the present arrangement for reporting on this subject to determine whether it is adequate for our purposes. Traditionally, officers in Pretoria and Johannesburg [Page 10] assigned to cover Central Africa have been forced, by the pressure of their own work in the Union, to give only summary treatment to the problems in Central Africa. This is no reflection on either the offices or officers in the Union, because there is certainly a limit as to how much work can be performed in the course of a working day, week or month. Therefore, I would like to suggest that the Conference review this matter and give consideration to ways and means by which greater coverage can be accorded the important developments now taking place in Central Africa’s mineral industry.

Political

Apart from routine political reporting, we are following very closely the movement now under way to unite Southern Rhodesia, Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland into a “Central African Federation.”6 Many schemes and efforts have been put forward in recent years to bring about some form of economic and political unity in Central Africa but none of these have succeeded. However, current prospects for achieving federation, possibly this year, are good. There has been for some time a widespread belief among responsible white leaders that federation in Central Africa must be speeded up for the reasons that a more rational economic and political set-up would help to expand trade and development and reduce the sterling area’s adverse balance of trade. It would also help to underpin the defense of the British Commonwealth against the confusion in the Middle East. Furthermore, there is a belief among the white elements in Central Africa that unless some form of closer association is achieved for the three territories, there is a chance that the two Rhodesias might eventually join the Union of South Africa in some form of political federation. At present the majority of the white population is flatly opposed to any political link-up with the Union, and is outspoken in its dislike of the apartheid policy of the Nationalist Government in the Union.

A conference will be held in London in April to formulate a constitutional document which will probably emerge as a draft constitution or a “definite scheme” for federation. Another conference will be held in July to produce a “final result.”

If federation does materialize, there is a very strong possibility that the natives in Northern Rhodesia, principally on the copperbelt, and the natives in Nyasaland, will stage general strikes as measures of protest. If a strike develops on the copperbelt, it will definitely impair the production of copper, and could possibly lead to a serious breakdown in this vital industry. The leading Africans in Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland are opposed to federation believing that a new federal government dominated by the white man would treat [Page 11] them no better than they are treated at present. In fact they are apprehensive that under a federal government they might lose some of the political gains which they have achieved in Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland. Also they claim that since their territories are Protectorates, the proposed federation is merely a scheme to hand over control of the Protectorates to the white man.

One feature of federation has interested us very much. This is a general puzzlement among the people as to how to really make federation work—in other words, how to reconcile the differences of the white and black. There is evidence of a genuine desire on the part of many responsible Rhodesians to establish a workable political alignment with the natives. In this struggle, these people, both white and black, are looking to the United States for examples as to how we achieved harmonious relations with our own Negro race. Britain has never had a racial problem hence she is not much help in the present situation. It is obvious, therefore, that we are in an excellent position to make some worthy contributions toward the establishment of a new democratic state in Central Africa. Present budgetary reductions prevent the establishment of a USIE office for Central Africa which is the proper medium for giving assistance in the field of race relations. I regard the abandonment of a USIE program in Central Africa as tragic, because if there is a land today where the responsible people desire to make a multiracial society work with due recognition accorded the dignity of man regardless of color, it is Central Africa. The same cannot be said for the Union or East Africa.

Central Africa is today facing very fateful decisions. On the adoption of the correct racial policy to be embodied in federation may depend the fate of future generations not only in Central Africa but elsewhere in Africa south of the Sahara—perhaps the survival of the influence of the Western World in Africa. It is in this region, therefore, that the white man has a golden opportunity to really make his concept of a Free World work successfully.

I would like to suggest that this Conference give consideration to ways and means by which the USIE facilities in the Union can be more effectively applied to Central Africa until such time as a permanent USIE Office is established in Central Africa.

Native affairs

It is my personal belief that despite the tremendous significance of the federation movement in Central Africa, the issues and developments concerning the native peoples are by far the most important problems facing the Free World in this region. With no intention of being presumptuous, I would say that the foregoing applies in equal degree to South and East Africa. Viewing this important problem on a regional rather than a provincial basis, I would like to pose the question [Page 12] as to whether we are “on top” of what is happening or likely to happen to the people who constitute the majority populations throughout South, Central and East Africa? In the face of World communism, rising nationalism, and the dormant strength of a subjugated people who invariably rise to revolutionary heights, can we afford not to be abreast of native and colored developments throughout this vast region so vital to our own industry and well-being? I do not think so. I would venture to say that there is not one man in this room, including myself, who can name from memory the present and potential African leaders in South, Central and East Africa today. Admittedly, it is not absolutely necessary for us as individual officers to know what is happening beyond the borders of our own districts, but since African nationalism has the same goal throughout South, Central and East Africa, does it not make good sense for someone to observe this important activity on a wider scale and bring about coordination of the loose ends of our present individual coverage?

African nationalism in this region is a universal problem, and is not confined to any one locality; the reason for this is the people who constitute present and future nationalist groups are all Africans with one goal between them—greater freedom. Therefore, geographical boundaries will be of no consequence to any future concerted drive toward achieving nationalist goals. True, there are a host of diversities which characterize the Africans, but basically they are one race with one goal.

I would like to suggest, therefore, that this Conference give consideration to the assignment of an officer to cover native affairs in their entirety throughout South, Central and East Africa. This officer should be experienced in African affairs, and if possible, should have a good grounding in social science. His assignment should be a roving one, and he should be responsible for the complete coverage of native developments throughout South, Central and East Africa with special attention devoted to the rise of nationalism in all sections of this region. I would suggest further that such an officer be provided with a full time American stenographer, and that he make his headquarters in Salisbury because of its central location in relation to both South and East Africa. Moreover, I believe the liberal attitude of Central Africa contrasted with the anti-racial one in South Africa and East Africa would afford such an officer a better locality from which to project his objective study of the racial problems in this region. Also, from such a vantage point as Salisbury, where we have access to certain reliable Intelligence services, I believe such an officer would find a wider field of information on nationalist and racial problems throughout the region.

  1. See footnote 3, supra.
  2. Not further identified.
  3. The reference here is to the concluding paragraph of the enclosure to this letter.
  4. Waldemar J. Gallman, Ambassador to the Union of South Africa.
  5. For documentation on economic developments in Southern Rhodesia and the whole of British Central and East Africa, see pp. 296 ff.
  6. For additional documentation on the interest of the United States in the emergent Central African Federation, see pp. 296 ff.