On page 2 of his letter the High Commissioner raises the question
which logically comes to mind as a result of your inquiry as to
whether the Department of State wishes to suggest a change in the
present situation as regards the channeling of petitions. We shall
be glad to receive any suggestions you may have on this
question.
If we can provide any further information on this subject, we shall
be glad to do so.
[Enclosure]
The High Commissioner of the Trust Territory
of the Pacific Islands (Midkiff) to the
Director, Office of Territories, Department of the
Interior (Stroma)3
confidential
personal
En
Plane Majuro to Kwajalein, May 21,
1954.
Dear Bill: I have
just completed conferences with the people of Rongelap,
Ailinginae and Uterik. A factual report is attached.
I talked carefully with several persons down at Majuro to try to
get a line on (1) why the petition was sent to the United
Nations direct; (2) whether or not some member of our
administration had helped draft the petition; and (3) whether
the petition indicates a lack of confidence on the part of the
Micronesians in the present U.S. administration.
1. I was informed that the Micronesians repeatedly have been told
by visiting United Nations missions to feel free at all times to
send petitions directly to the United Nations if they desire.
Also, this accessibility—I was once told by members of a
visiting mission—has been found necessary and wise in connection
with certain of the old line trusteeships where colonialism has
been a practice. Many petitions have gone directly to the United
Nations via the visiting missions. However, these missions in
the past have provided copies of the petitions for us for study
prior to the time when they have been delivered to the
Trusteeship Council. The Mission Secretary has given them to us
in advance somewhat sub rosa.
The Majuro district officials had heard of efforts to secure
names on a petition but the district administrator had thought
that the petition would in due course be presented through
channels. He was surprised to find that it already had gone
forward. However, he felt that from previous instructions from
U.N. visiting missions, it
would be quite out of order for him to try to sidetrack or short
circuit a petition from the people to the United Nations and,
hence, he avoided following up to an extent that, in hindsight,
he now feels to have been over liberal.
I think we have never had a suggestion from State about this
subject of channeling petitions. I see from the letter of
inquiry on the subject that this present petition and experience
pretty well crystallized State’s attitude. I suggest that it
would be well to try to get a statement from State on the
subject. We could run afoul of the United Nations
[Page 1502]
on the issue,
particularly if the next visiting Mission should have a member
from an unfriendly country on it.
2. As to (2), whether or not a member of our American personnel
helped Mr. Dwight Heine write the petition,
I have his word that he wrote it unassisted except for the
support and conference of the President of the Marshallese
Congress. The latter speaks little English but is very fluent in
Marshallese and is quite a flowery orator. Both he and
Dwight Heine are brilliant and able.
Heine has had two years at the
University of Hawaii and besides has studied elsewhere in
Honolulu and New Zealand. He is a hard worker, loves his people,
is trying to serve them well.
I learned that there has been existing ever since March 1 a
genuine fear of the bombs and their fall out, and of the
possible loss of more land and islands. The Rongelap People when
I first went there really were depressed about fears for their
future health but even worse about fear that they would never
get back to their home atoll. They knew of the experience of the
Eniwetok People and the Bikini People. I am informed that the
latter especially state that they had been assured by
representatives of the AEC and
Navy that they would soon be returned to their atoll. They are
still on Kili and are rather unhappy about it. They value their
home islands and land far more than we of America, with vast
miles of unused areas, can appreciate.
While I was in Washington last, I received a pitiful letter from
Amata Kabua, son of a high chief and
land owner in the Marshalls, expressing great fear for the
safety of his people and for the threat to the atolls. The young
man is presently at Maunaole College in Hawaii. He asked me how
he could get help to limit the tests, etc., and if it would be
proper for him to write on behalf of his people to the President
of the United States. I wrote a letter of reply to him telling
him all will be well and to have no fear; I gave reasons in so
far as possible. He replied thanking me and stated that he was
sending my letter on to Majuro. However, my letter was received
in Majuro after the petition to the United Nations had left
there.
I saw the March 1 explosion. I was stopped from giving out
information about it when I went on to Majuro. However, I did
speak in generalities, told of the story that had appeared in
Newsweek (article by the Chairman of
the Joint-Congressional Committee on Atomic Energy), and tried
to assure them they need not fear and that the experiments were
for the safety of the Pacific and their islands. I learned of
the “fall out” after I left Majuro on March 4 to go to Ponape
via Kwajalein. I was told that for some weeks, when the people
were losing their hair, were nauseated, had white, non-pigmented
patches on their bodies, and when the AEC Medicos, without ability to let the people know
why, came down and took blood samples from the people of
Majuro—that fear was terrible amongst the Marshallese.
[Page 1503]
I can now report that they feel reassured as to their future
health and personal safety and the security of their lands. (By
the way, I wish we could get payments concluded from AEC and Navy for land before the
end of this fiscal year, and before I go to U.N. That would be a big help to our
prestige and a restoration of confidence.)
3. Now as to whether or not the Marshallese have lost confidence
in the Administration, etc. There are many who look back upon
the active Japanese occupation, when there was lots of work
available, money in circulation, new and interesting recreation,
etc. and to the Navy occupation and vast activities as
contrasted with our cut-back programs, and feel that the great
United States is neglecting the Trust Territory by comparison.
We are trying and are succeeding in creating an understanding on
this score.
I believe there was a reasoning amongst the Marshallese leaders
that to get results on this AEC
bomb testing program, it would be best for them to appeal to the
U.N. quickly. My
conversations do not cause me to question their cooperative
attitude toward our administration or to doubt that they are
aware of and appreciate the good faith and intentions of the
United States.
I conclude that their direct appeal to the U.N. was due to their desire to do in what they
regarded as a fearsome emergency, that which might get the best
results most quickly. I know that they are happy to be under the
United States and wish to help the administration of the Trust
Territory in all practicable ways. I am sure there is no cause
for worry as to their cooperative attitude.
If you have any further points or think certain other data might
help Ambassador Lodge to understand the situation, I should be
glad to hear from you about them.
Yours very truly,
