310.2/9–354: Telegram

The United States Representative at the United Nations (Lodge) to the Department of State

confidential

201. Re Chinese representation. USUN officers have held two sets consultations at their request with Kiang and Cheng Hsi-ling (Chinese delegation) concerning Chinese representative at Ninth GA. They again put up to us, on instructions, idea of voting on merits of question. USUN gave them same arguments as before against such vote, and desirability of adopting suitable moratorium formula to maintain highest possible vote. In discussing wording of formula, they reiterated opposition to use of words “postpone”, “current year”, and “to exclude representatives of Government of Republic of China”. Their preferred version would state:

“The Ninth Regular Session of the GA decides not to consider the question of Chinese representative”.

USUN pointed out possibility it could be argued this formula would prevent GA from approving credential their delegate. Therefore, suggested wording (already put up to UK):

GA decides not to consider any proposals to exclude representatives of Government of Republic of China or (and) to seat representatives of CPG of PRC.”

Today Kiang said his delegation had considered matter further and would be able accept latter formula, but urged that in putting it up to other delegates words “Chinese Communist regime” be substituted for “CPG of CPR”. USUN officer said this would be our strong preference, too, but doubted likelihood of any general acceptance in view of past practice of GA references to Chinese Communists as CPG of PRC.

In earlier conversations, USUN officers went over various ways in which subject of Chinese representative could be raised, and different methods of dealing therewith. USUN left it expressly understood no final decisions could be reached on these at this stage. Among various possibilities, most of which more or less obvious, were following:

1.
Some delegate might propose appointment special committee to consider matter, pending results of which: (a) Chinese delegate would be seated provisionally, or [Page 775] (b) Neither contender would be seated.
2.
Chinese Communists might send in credentials for own set of delegates, which would then be before the House along with Nationalists credentials.
3.
USSR might try barter change in its position re new members for agreement from other delegates to support seating Chinese Communists.
4.
Presidential ruling either that subject is “important matter” on which two-thirds needed for any proposals, including approval of credentials or tied with this a proposal from chair for special committee, or ruling in opposite sense that this solely a matter of credentials. Other possibilities could obviously be covered by moving moratorium without difficulty. Enumerated ones would probably require additional Parliamentary tactics to knock down.

In connection with Chinese representative, Kiang today suggested following composition for credentials committee:

US, Philippines, El Salvador, Brazil, Egypt, Australia or Turkey, USSR, UK, and Norway. Balance would be 6 to 3 in favor of Nationalists, and probably 8 to 1 for moratorium, although Norway may have difficulties.

Cheng urged that in US instructions to the field on this subject that emphasis be placed on US feeling this not simply credentials matter at all but one of greatest political importance. He felt this necessary in some quarters where, although US opposition known, this particular point not understood.

Babcock