A/MS files, lot 54 D 291 (V), “UNA/P master file”
Paper Prepared by the United Nations Planning Staff, Bureau of United Nations Affairs
Scope of United Nations Action
(It is intended that this paper examine the persistent stress and strain in the UN that seems to have arisen from varying national conceptions of what is the scope of UN action. It is not intended that the paper do more than throw into bold relief the major matters that have arisen in the UN as a consequence of conflicting national interests and divergent national construction of Charter Articles, both affecting scope of UN action).
how question arises
When determining its attitude towards the question of whether or not a matter should be brought to the UN, an interested state asks itself in the first place whether its broad national interest would be advanced thereby. Determination of such interest involves weighing a varying combination of political and moral considerations, and in cases such as the Kashmir dispute between India and Pakistan such considerations have governed the decision to bring them into the UN.
But decision on the question of whether or not a matter should be brought to the UN is often further influenced by another factor, namely, the question of whether the UN has competence under the Charter to deal with it. Does the UN have competence to discuss it? If so, does it also have competence to make recommendations, provide for investigations, issue binding orders, et cetera? This is a question of construction of such Charter provisions as Article 2(7) which prohibits intervention in matters of domestic jurisdiction, Article 107 which prevents the UN invalidating or precluding action vis-à-vis ex-enemy states taken by the governments responsible, or Article 73 which relates to obligations of UN members with respect to colonial areas not under trusteeship. Mention in this paper of specific cases of national attitudes or positions on competence is merely by way of illustration of their divergency and regardless of the degree of their soundness.
When an interested state has decided that submission of a matter to the UN is in its broad national interest it tends to construe competence of the UN broadly. On the other hand, a state viewing such submission as detrimental to its broad national interest tends to urge a narrow construction of competence. The two questions, i.e., that of the political considerations, and that of legal competence under the Charter, which determine national attitudes towards the contents of UN agendas, are logically distinct; but in practice they influence each [Page 141]other, successive decisions for or against inscription tending to harden into a pattern which states in time may look upon as a rule.
stress and strain in the united nations
The question of scope of UN action has arisen in most acute form in the sometimes overlapping fields broadly denominated colonial and human rights problems, relatively new ones for international action.* Examples of colonial problems are the 1947–9 dispute over Netherlands actions in Indonesia, and French actions in Morocco and Tunisia in 1951–2. Examples of human rights problems are the two Indian-inspired complaints against the South African racial system now known as “apartheid”, attempts to give legal status through treaties to certain proclaimed rights, and disregard for such rights in satellite, ex-enemy states. In related areas the problem of UN authority to review compliance by administering powers with Article 73 has created substantial conflicts between administering and non-administering powers, an illustration being an attempt in UN bodies to assert competence to review judgment by an administering power (Netherlands) that a given territory (Surinam) had achieved self-government and therefore no longer fell under the purview of the Article. The recent notification to the UN by the US of its decision to cease reporting on Puerto Rico because the latter had obtained self-government may spur non-administering powers to assert competence to review that decision too.
Over the years colonial problems have tended to divide the UN roughly into several groups, the general and somewhat flexible delimitations of which are about as follows:
- a group of states emerged from colonial status (the Arab-Asian-African states with predominantly colored populations, and usually most if not all Latin American states), together with the Soviet bloc when it hoped thereby to create trouble in and among non-Soviet states, and in early UN years occasionally the US;
- a group constituted of the European colonial states, sometimes also the Commonwealth states, and sometimes the US; and
- a group constituted of sometimes the US, the Scandinavian states, and occasionally some Commonwealth, Latin American, and other states.
Votes on some human rights matters, such as the South African racial problem, and self-determination, have tended to divide the UN into groupings roughly similar to those on many colonial and economic development problems. On the other hand, when it came to voting on the Universal Declaration, no states voted against, only the Soviet bloc, South Africa and Saudi Arabia abstained, and only two countries, Honduras and Yemen, were absent. On the matter of alleged [Page 142]violations of human rights by satellite states the dividing lines took a Cold War tinge with neutralist Arab-Asian states abstaining. In general, the Soviet bloc abstained on the Universal Declaration, supported UN action when designed to extend human rights outside the Soviet bloc, and invoked Charter Article 2(7) against attempts to deal with such rights within the Soviet bloc.
policies of the united states
Guided by its traditional inclination to espouse the cause of any people seeking either self-government, if not independence, or human rights and fundamental freedoms, the US in practice has confronted, when such matters have been placed before the UN, one or another of two dilemmas: (1) either to join those (anti-colonial) states seeking UN action to advance towards self-government, if not independence, and also those seeking to utilize the UN to exercise authoritative supervision over administering powers, thereby incurring the ill-will of its most important NATO partners in the anti-Soviet coalition, or to join the administering powers, thereby disappointing anti-colonial states and peoples; and (2) either to join those seeking through UN programs to create legal obligations in the field of human rights, thereby arousing forceful opposition within the US in the form, for example, of the proposed Bricker amendment to the Constitution, or to oppose creation of such obligations and disappoint other elements in the US as well as those peoples and states seeking to utilize the treaty process in the UN. In either case sizeable political forces have been operative and we have had to choose where lie our own interests.
The US began its activity in the UN with a policy that encouraged efforts to bring before the UN a great variety of matters, including colonial and human rights questions. This was an expression of the so-called “sound growth” doctrine. The doctrine, practically all of which was officially enunciated by Ambassador Austin, Chairman of the US Delegation at the opening of the second part of the first session of the GA in 1946, postulated that members of the UN would not lightly disregard or flout recommendations by the GA which expressed the will of an alert and aroused world public opinion; that the organization could discuss anything within its scope particularly as defined by Articles 10, 11, and 14; that mere discussion of any matter within the scope of the Charter could clarify issues and promote mutual understanding among nations and peoples and did not constitute “intervention” under Article 2(7); that under the broad and flexible constitution of the Charter, which the US wished to develop, there would be a great and expanding area of operations for the GA, as functions which the Charter had not specifically provided for, but which it did not preclude, would be entrusted to the Assembly by the Member States; that Assembly recommendations, particularly under [Page 143]Articles 10, 11, 13, and 14, could greatly extend and develop the rule of law among nations provided its recommendations were such that they could be generally accepted and carried out by the Member States; and that the US must not prejudice free discussion by its vote on the question of inclusion of a matter on an agenda.
In practice the US has maintained with undiminished vigor the theses both that the GA was competent to discuss anything within the broad scope set forth in Charter Article 10, and that such discussion did not constitute “intervention” within the meaning of Article 2(7) of the Charter. Moreover, the US from the beginning has tried to prevent disputes about application of Article 2(7) from being brought to decisions, preferring that future development of the UN not be frozen at too early a date. The US feels that UN actions in competence matters taken together constitute a body of precedents interpreting Articles 2(7) and 107. Through such a policy the US has sought primarily to retain fluidity in areas, such as in the Tunisian and Moroccan cases, where taking of fixed positions would have been a grave political handicap; moreover, it has also sought thereby not only to avoid aligning itself on either side of highly-charged controversies dividing groups of states whose friendship is of great importance to the US, but also to reduce friction between adversaries by shifting the terms of dispute from the level of legal absolutism to that of political accommodation.
On the other hand, while firmly maintaining the doctrine of practically unrestricted competence under the Charter of the UN to discuss matters, the US on numerous occasions at least since early 1947 has exercised an eclecticism with regard to inscription of matters on UN agendas. Especially marked has been the concern shown by the US about the appropriate scope of UN action since the Arab-Asian states coalesced at the 6th GA to give dynamic force to anti-colonial measures. A number of weighty considerations have determined the US attitude towards the contents of agendas, of which the matter of competence under the Charter is only one; examples of others are: (1) the need to maintain security in the free world; (2) the desire to maintain unity in the free world; (3) the desire to take action most suitable to solution of a given problem; and (4) the desire to preserve through proper use of the UN (and its various organs) its long-run effectiveness as an instrument of US foreign policy.
US policy makers have judged that submission of a number of cases to the UN would be either premature or otherwise inexpedient; but when other states nevertheless brought them to the UN the US eventually voted for inscription. Examples of such cases are: Palestine (1947), Morocco and Tunisia (1951–2), Iranian oil (1951), and Nationalist Chinese troops in Burma (1952–3). Moreover, in certain instances, e.g., military aid to Greece and Turkey, and Marshall Plan [Page 144]aid, the US has chosen to act outside the UN. On the other hand, in certain cases, e.g., Berlin blockade, German unification, Austrian peace treaty, where we have thought it important that the UN act, we have initiated or supported such action notwithstanding challenges from the Soviet bloc that the proposed actions would be “illegal”, i.e., beyond the legal competence of the UN. Likewise, when after 18 months the US and USSR had failed to work out an arrangement on Korea, the US in perplexity disburdened upon the UN the problem of creating and establishing an independent Korean state. With regard to both Korea and Palestine, the UN made recommendations for political settlements which the UN itself could not carry out by peaceful means in view of both opposition by parties most affected and of its own constitutional limitations.
recent attitudes of other states
Illustrations of recent positions on legal competence taken by important Member States or groups of states can be culled from the 7th GA. At that session the French were adamant in refusing to recognize legal competence to any degree in the matters of Morocco and Tunisia. The UK supported the French contention. Moreover, it declared that such obligations as it had towards its dependent areas were limited to those set forth in Article 73, and that it would disregard any attempt to read into Article 73 greater powers for the UN than already appeared there explicitly. The Pakistan delegate, supporting the Indian case against South Africa, urged Member States in effect to overlook any legal limitations set forth by Article 2(7) in the interest of achieving certain objectives in Africa during 1952, the “year of revolution” there. Indonesia also supported the Indian case and Pakistani appeal.† Other states, such as the US, voted for the resolution finally adopted by the GA concerning the treatment of Indians in South Africa as not being inconsistent with the limitations of Article 2(7).
While generally favorable to broad legal competence of the UN, and while generally sympathetic to appeals to limit the scope of Article 2(7), many Latin American states, mindful of their traditional fear of foreign intervention within their own frontiers, drew a line in their main policy speeches in the South African debate against UN action extending to on-the-spot bodies.
As is well known, the USSR considers all institutions, including the UN, as meet instruments for possible misuse in execution of its foreign policies; and it determines its every action in the UN solely on the basis of how it can best promote its own narrow national interests [Page 145]thereby, generally by trying to exacerbate differences between states in the non-Soviet world.
Positions of certain countries are hardening on the issue of appropriate scope of UN action, a fact placing in bolder relief the earlier-described dilemmas that the US confronts. Most notable examples of the trend are:
- The Arab-Asian-African and Latin American states probably will persist and perhaps even intensify their efforts to utilize the UN to hasten changes in the colonial and human rights fields, in great part by insistence on a broad construction of competence of the UN Charter;
- The administering powers probably will continue to insist on a narrow construction of competence under the Charter on colonial matters; and
- The US probably will continue to reject UN programs to create legal obligations in the field of human rights.
- See Annex A for specific cases in the colonial field. [Footnote in the source text.]↩
- However, when the shoe had been on the other foot, as in the cases of the revolt of the Moluccan Republic (Ambon) against Indonesia, and the attempt by Hyderabad to establish its autonomy vis-à-vis India, both Indonesia and India declared in effect that the UN was not competent and proceeded by armed action to extinguish the fires of revolt. [Footnote in the source text.]↩