762.00/10–551: Telegram
The United States High Commissioner for Germany (McCloy) to the Secretary of State 1
niact
2983. Eyes only for Secretary and Byroade. Reur 2084, Sept 272 and 2194, Oct 4.3 FedRep has now asked Allies to propose establishment of UN comm to investigate conditions in Sov Zone and FedRep so as to determine whether holding of free elections is possible Bonn’s 2174). It is of course difficult for us to judge here whether UN is appropriate [Page 1794] propriate body to undertake such a task or whether possible conflicting policies within that organization might hamper operations here, but I believe time has come when we should sponsor appointment of some such internatl inquiry. To refuse wld be interpreted as evidence of Allied antipathy toward unification of Ger which cld have serious repercussions upon our policy of integration and upon Ger willingness to make defense contribution.
I welcome expression Gen Eisenhower’s concern, which I have fully shared, that Grotewohl proposal should not be permitted to slow up our negotiations to obtain this defense contribution but feel we must not ignore strong Ger desire for unity or appear to block its realization. If we do so we may well lose the support for integration which we now have. I am convinced, therefore, we should take positive stand linking Ger unity with integration and push forward as rapidly as we can with current negotiations.
Up to present we have thought it wiser to remain silent on this issue, in fact, Chancellor’s circ [letter?] so suggested. Sitn has now changed, however, and we should answer FedRep’s request for internatl commission and I believe it will be necessary within next few days to issue statement in Wash endorsing this request and also to head off possible Sov–East Zone attempt to try to regain initiative. It is important in statement to emphasize need for internatl control of possible election as opposed to return to four-power control (see Bonn’s 219 discussions with Schumacher yesterday5) and also to make strong point of Eur integration.
On other hand we agree fully with Chancellor that it wld not be profitable to label East Zone offers as pure propaganda and lies. Based on above considerations fol is proposed revision of your version:
“We fully support the course taken by the Bundesregierung and the Bundestag to bring about the unification of Ger. We favor Ger unification and we will vigorously pursue any plan which genuinely promises to achieve it. We will not accept a plan calculated to turn Ger into a no-man’s land, destroy the liberties of the Ger people and prevent creation of a free and united Europe.
On at least 13 separate occasions since Feb 1950 the highest US, Fr, Brit or Ger FedRep auths have proposed or endorsed the holding of free general elections throughout Ger. We believe the resolutions adopted by Bundestag provide firm procedure for holding all-Ger elections. We favor Bundestag proposal to hold elections in Berlin. We strongly support provision for internatl control of such elections as best method to guarantee freedom of expression and choice in all areas [Page 1795] of Ger. Preliminary to this we are prepared to request the UN to appoint an internatl commission to determine whether conditions in both East and West Ger will permit the holding of free elections.
Our policy in Eur and Ger is clear and definite. A great movement for consolidation and unity is afoot today in Eur, a movement which has been a dream for centuries. Through Council of Eur, OEEC, Schuman Plan for Eur coal and steel community, and Paris conference for Eur defense community, the urge of free Europeans for creation of prosperous, safe and united homeland is finding expression. The world has hardly begun to realize the revolutionary nature of what is happening. This movement must not fail.
As this movement goes forward Ger unity will come and it must be Ger unity with Ger freedom. There can be no lasting Ger freedom without Eur unity and the strength that flows therefrom. Our policy and that of our Brit, Fr, and other Eur partners is to build that unity with all speed and at the same time to fuse it with strength of Atlantic Community. We are convinced that Ger people also believe in rightness of this course and will move with us toward common goal. Fed’s [The?] realization of united Europe wld bring great strength and stability. Eur, with help of Atlantic Community, will thereby be enabled to defend itself and to build a better life for its people. A united Eur will also assure that its strength will be used only for defense. Democratic European institutions are best safeguards against aggression. By joining in creating European community, Ger people are showing their deep desire for peace with freedom.
We believe that Bundesrepublik, in seeking unification of Ger on basis of freedom and democracy, is furthering use of Eur unity.”
Of course developments in next two days may make other changes in statement necessary. We recognize importance of obtaining Brit and Fr prior agreement to statement so we can present united front in follow-up here, but it seems to us that it is less important to obtain their agreement to wording than to sponsorship of UN committee. If their assent cld be obtained rapidly to these principles it should be possible to issue unilateral statements in each of three capitals early next week in time to forestall next Sov move. I agree with Schumacher that Grotewohl’s answer this week is less important than next Sov move, which may take form of suggesting Min’s conference to discuss four-power control of Ger election.
- Repeated to Paris and London, eyes only for Bruce and Gifford.↩
- Ante, p. 1789.↩
- Not printed; it repeated the Department of State’s request for McCloy’s views on the utility of the statement transmitted in telegram 2084, reiterating that the Western governments should not remain silent, but should make every effort to support the West German position and retain the initiative. (762.00/10–351)↩
- Not printed; it transmitted the text of a letter from Adenauer to the Allied High Commission repeating the Federal Government’s several requests for all-German elections, asking that they be carried out under international supervision, and that a neutral international commission under United Nations auspices be established to investigate to what extent prevailing circumstances in the zones of occupation would allow the holding of free elections. (762.00/10–451) For text of Adenauer’s letter, see Documents on German Unity, vol. i, p. 211 and Folliot, Documents on International Affairs, 1951, pp. 279–280.↩
- Not printed; it reported on McCloy’s conversation on October 5 with Schumacher, Schmid, and Ollenhauer, who felt that the Communist tactics were an attempt “to induce Allies to show hesitation re Ger unification.” Schumacher thought that the Soviet Union would call for a Four-Power meeting which it would use for propaganda ends, and he felt that it was important for the Western powers to make their position clear rather than waiting for the next Soviet move. (762.00/10–551)↩