762.00/4–350: Telegram

The Secretary of State to the Office of the United States High Commissioner for Germany, at Frankfort1

secret

2252. Urtels 2605 Mar 28 (rptd London as 144, Paris as 227, Berlin as 156 and passed Moscow unnumbered) and 2638 Mar 29 (rptd London as 147, Paris as 231 and passed Moscow unnumbered)2 re all-Ger elections.

Dept has hesitated give prompt approval your request because of (1) relationship this proposal to recent decision on US side proceed promptly with tripartite agreement for holding of elections in Berlin,3 [Page 618] (2) desire, before decision is made on position to be taken by HICOM on all Ger elections, to determine advisability of 3 FM’s taking position this subj at coming mtg4 and (3) dangers proceeding too far along road to Ger unity based on free elections alone (which is of course only one element problem) and vulnerable position we might be placed in if the West wld later have to add new conditions for Ger unity.

With ref to (1) above, it may be simultaneous or closely timed proposals on both all Ger and Berlin election emanating from Ger might tend take away from apparent sincerity of both and give them openly propagandistic flavor. Berlin situation wld be automatically covered by all Ger proposal and it wld seem logical therefore withhold Berlin proposal if we proceed on other. We have been reluctant suggest this due desire for action in Berlin before May FDJ rally.

In connection with (2) above we are now considering whether FM’s shld publish rather full statement on Ger unity which wld cover not only free elections but reestablishment four power control machinery without veto, four power occupation statute, dissolution para military units, etc. It might also include our position on frontiers, reparations, etc.

In connection with point (3) above, we wish underline necessity introducing into discussion before idea develops too far the point that agreement to unite Ger necessarily involves agreement on conditions under which govt of unified country wld function. To be acceptable to us, these conditions must be such as permit govt function effectively, without arbitrary interference from Sovs and without econ drains which wld impede Eur recovery. We are prepared support Ger unity at some risk on this basis. We must avoid, however, becoming engaged in protracted negots which offer no basis for success and which deflect Ger energy and interest from Eur polit and econ integration.

We are delighted with progress made in last few weeks to gain initiative from Sovs. We agree some follow up to Bonn declaration desirable on HICOM level even if main emphasis were to be placed on statement by Fon Mins. Believe we can afford sufficient delay to formulate planned sched at least up to termination FM mtg.

In view above, will you give us your views on (1) relationship between all Ger election proposal with present plans to proceed and proposal for Berlin elections; (2) desirability Fon Mins setting forth fairly complete statement of Western desire for and terms of Ger unity. If you think such statement desirable wld it be preferable for HICOM restrict itself at this time to general statement of support of Bonn Declaration without offer negotiate? If you have any prelim [Page 619] views of Fr–Br on follow up to Bonn Declaration they wld be helpful to us.5

In any position we take on this problem, we recognize cogency of arguments outlined Berlin 508 to Frankfort6 re Sov Zone reaction and agree concept Nat’l Constituent Assembly offers maximum appeal to Eastern Gers. This principle was not included in agreed tripartite paper of May 28, 1949 on all Ger elections,7 partially because it wld have disrupted development West Ger Govt at that time. Believe we can accept this broader concept now that it has been put forward by Fed Rep and we wld be prepared press Br and Fr at appropriate time agree with this concept in connection with supervised free elections.

Acheson
  1. Repeated to Paris as 1453, London as 1495, and Moscow as 285.
  2. Neither printed; in the former, McCloy stated that he felt it was time for tripartite consideration of the all-German election question, while the latter transmitted the text of a message from Berlin (telegram 508, March 25, to Frankfort) which reported reactions of the Soviet Zone population to the proposal. (762.00/3–2850 and 3–2950)
  3. For documentation relating to the question of all-Berlin elections, see pp. 818 ff.
  4. For documentation on the tripartite Foreign Ministers meeting in London, see vol. iii, pp. 828 ff.
  5. For the reply to this request, see telegram 587, April 5, p. 839.
  6. See footnote 2, above.
  7. Foreign Relations, 1949, vol. iii, p. 1041.