740.00119 PW/10–2149

Major General Carter B. Magruder, Deputy to the Under Secretary of the Army, to the Assistant Secretary of State for Far Eastern Affairs (Butterworth)

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Subject: Department of Defense Policy Toward Japanese Industry

1.
By letter of 8 July 1949 the Secretary of State requested the position of the Department of Defense, in light of United States security requirements and our over-all strategic plan for Japan, with respect to any restrictions to be imposed in the post occupation period on non-armament industry in Japan, particularly in the manufacture of aircraft and the type and size of the manufacture of marine vessels for use or export.
2.
This matter has been the subject of protracted study in the Department of Defense. In addition to a study by a joint Army–Navy–Air [Page 883] working group, the opinion of the Joint Chiefs of Staff has been obtained.
3.
In view of the fact that we are now initiating preparations for negotiations on a Japanese Peace Treaty, Under Secretary of the Army Tracy S. Voorhees, who is deputy to the Secretary of Defense for occupied areas, decided that this information should be furnished to you directly. We regret the length of time consumed by the Department of the Army in effecting this study.
4.
In accordance with the above instructions, I enclose two copies of the study prepared by the Army–Navy–Air working group and two copies of the action of the Joint Chiefs of Staff upon the assumption that you will wish to provide one to Mr. Howard1 as part of the reference material he will use.
Carter B. Magruder

Major General, GSC
[Annex 1]

Staff Study Prepared by Joint Army–Navy–Air Working Group2

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Department of Defense Policy Towards Japanese Industry

problem

1. To determine the position of the Department of Defense with respect to the restrictions, if any, which should be imposed on peaceful but possibly war supporting industries in Japan, particularly civil aircraft operation and manufacture, merchant shipbuilding and ship repair, and the merchant marine.

facts bearing on the problem

2. Reasons for considering the problem at this time are set forth in the letter of 8 July 1949 from the Secretary of State to the Secretary of Defense, Appendix A hereto. (Also reproduced as appendix to JCS 1380/69.) This letter requested the views of the Department of Defense with regard to restrictions to be imposed in the post-occupation period on non-armament industries in Japan.

[Here follow three numbered sections on policies pertinent to the problem in NSC 13/3, FEC policy decisions pertinent to it as well as proposed policies and U.S. recommended action toward them, and SWNCC policy decisions establishing U.S. positions but not controlling on SCAP, pertinent to the problem.]

[Page 884]

discussion

6. Although Paragraph 4, NSC 13/3, states that a final U.S. position concerning the post treaty arrangements for Japanese military security should not be formulated until the peace negotiations are upon us, and it should then be formulated in the light of the prevailing international situation and the degree of internal stability achieved in Japan, nevertheless to assist in solving the present problem it is necessary to make three basic assumptions:

a.
That the United States will not permit Japan to become Soviet dominated either through conquest or subversion.
b.
That, in the event of war between the United States and the U.S.S.R., Japan will be a country occupied by U.S. forces, a friendly non-belligerent, or an active ally of the United States.
c.
That, if there should be an enduring peace between the United States and the U.S.S.R., Japan would not be permitted to have any military establishment or primary war facilities which would constitute a threat to the security of any country.

7. Obviously, if the United States is unwilling to take all steps necessary to satisfy the first two assumptions, Japan could go to the U.S.S.R. by default and would become a serious threat to the security of the United States and to all other non-Soviet nations. If the United States should decide not to protect Japan, then from a strategic point of view U.S. interests would best be served by seeking the closest approximation possible to a depopulated and devastated Japan. Otherwise, any Japanese potential would be available for use against the United States and our friends. However, failure to protect Japan would be illogical and such a course is not considered here.

8. An economically strong, friendly and western-oriented Japan would be of great value to the security of the United States. Consideration will need to be given to the eventual establishment of limited Japanese armed forces to maintain internal security and to assist in local defensive action in event of an emergency.

9. “Second only to U.S. security interests, economic recovery should be made the primary objective of United States policy in Japan.” The two objectives go hand in hand. As long as the United States is responsible for Japan, any deficits in its economy will ultimately be paid for in dollars by the U.S. taxpayer. Japan has been stripped of its colonies, and access has been closed to many of its nearest and best markets. Many large, fast ships are needed to reach more distant markets and sources of raw materials. Civil air transport in a modern society has become as much an essential service as rail or road transport and therefore is necessary to Japan in promoting trade and accruing foreign exchange. If a reasonable prosperity can be created, not only will the burden on the U.S. taxpayer be removed, but representative [Page 885] government in Japan will have a more fertile field in which to grow.

conclusions

10. It is concluded that:

a.
There should be no limitations or restrictions on Japan’s commerce, communications or peaceful industries. In answer to specific questions couched by the Department of State, the position of the Department of Defense is as follows:
(1)
Manufacture of civil aircraft—Manufacture should be limited to types and numbers which would not constitute a threat to the security of the United States.
(2)
Operation of civil aircraft—Operation should be limited to an extent which would not constitute a threat to the security of the United States.
(3)
Merchant marine—No limitations.
(4)
Merchant shipbuilding and ship repair—No limitations.
b.
So far as practical, the foregoing should apply both to the present and the post-occupation period.
c.
All pending policy papers which have been introduced by the United States into the FEC which are inconsistent with the foregoing should be withdrawn.
d.
The United States should propose to the FEC, regardless of the improbability of favorable consideration, that FEC policy decisions which are inconsistent with the foregoing should be amended to conform or be repealed.
e.
All SWNCC and SANACC policies inconsistent with the foregoing should be superseded by new controlling documents.
f.
Where inconsistent with the foregoing, NSC 13/3 should be amended.

recommendations

11. It is recommended that:

a.
This study be referred to the Joint Chiefs of Staff for comment from the military point of view.
b.
Upon receipt of the comments from the Joint Chiefs of Staff, this study be amended in light of such comments, and, if approved, that the study be then transmitted by the Secretary of Defense to the Secretary of State as indicative of the views of the Department of Defense.

[Annex 2]

Memorandum by the Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff (Bradley) to the Under Secretary of the Army (Voorhees)

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Subject: Department of Defense Policy Towards Japanese Industry

This memorandum is in response to your memorandum to the Chief of Staff, U.S. Army, dated 9 September 1949,3 on the subject of Department [Page 886] of Defense policy towards Japanese industry, in which request was made that an attached staff study4 be called to the attention of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and that they be asked to comment thereon from the military point of view.

The Joint Chiefs of Staff perceive no objection from the military point of view to those conclusions in the staff study which contain military implications, namely, subparagraphs a and b of paragraph 10. They suggest, however, that in implementing these conclusions appropriate safeguards be established to preclude any possibility of the restrictions, when enforced, jeopardizing our national security interests in Japan.

The Joint Chiefs of Staff invite attention to their strategic evaluation of United States security needs in Japan which was forwarded to the Secretary of Defense on 9 June 1949 (copy enclosed).5 The following summarizes views contained in the evaluation which are pertinent:

a.
It is essential, from the military point of view, that Japan be denied to the Soviets and that Japan maintain her orientation toward the Western Powers.
b.
The terms of the peace treaty for Japan should not be such as to preclude bilateral negotiations for base rights in the Japanese main islands;
c.
In order that the Far East communistic expansion of the Soviets may be held in check, at least as far as Japan is concerned, Japan’s internal security forces must be adequate not only for maintenance of order but also for protection against sabotage of vital installations. This may involve stronger internal security forces than were thought to be essential prior to the current overrunning of China; and
d.
Japan’s capacity for self-defense must be developed against the time when it may be determined by the Soviets that overt aggression by them or their satellites is their only means for gaining control over Japan.

For the Joint Chiefs of Staff:
Omar N. Bradley
  1. John B. Howard, Special Assistant to the Secretary of State.
  2. Copy transmitted by Major General Magruder on September 9 to the Chief of Staff, U.S. Army, for submission to the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
  3. Not printed.
  4. See above.
  5. Ante, p. 774.