840.20/7–1648

Memorandum by the Director of the Joint Staff (Gruenther) to the Director of the Office of European Affairs (Hickerson)

top secret

With reference to our conversation of 13 July, there are forwarded herewith three copies of the instructions given by the Joint Chiefs of Staff to the U.S. representatives attending the London Western Union talks. It is my understanding that two of the enclosed copies will be [Page 189] given by the Department of State to the Canadian Ambassador and that the remaining one will be retained for use in the Department.

For your information two copies of the enclosure have been given directly to the British Joint Services Mission.

Alfred M. Gruenther
[Enclosure]

Instructions for the U.S. Representatives Attending the London Western Union Talks1

The Chief of Staff, U.S. Army, will act as executive agent for the Joint Chiefs of Staff in respect to the mission of the representatives.

The political framework for U.S. participation in the London talks is evident in Senate Resolution 239 and the accompanying report of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and in agreements respecting Western Germany reached between the United States and the Western Union nations in the recent London conference. Except within this area of established United States policy, or as may be suggested by State Department officials consulted, the representatives will confine their comments to military matters: political problems which may arise will be referred to Washington for resolution. Military negotiations in London should, however, be so conducted as to advance the possibility of eventual close ties, under a United Nations regional security arrangement, between the United States, Canada, and nations outside the “iron curtain” in Europe and its contiguous Atlantic waters.

U.S. participation in the London military talks of the Western Union nations is undertaken “with a view to participating in conversations on military plans”2 and with a view to “drawing up a coordinated military supply plan” on the basis of a European Recovery Program precedent in which, as respects the Western Union Nations, “(1) they must first plan their coordinated defense with the means presently available, (2) they must then determine how their collective military potential can be increased by coordinated production and supply, including standardization of equipment, (3) we would then be prepared to consider and screen their estimates of what supplementary assistance [Page 190] from us was necessary, (4) we would expect reciprocal assistance from them to the greatest extent practicable, and (5) legislation would be necessary to provide significant amounts of military equipment but the President would not be prepared to recommend it unless the foregoing conditions had been met.”

The Commander in Chief, European Command, has been instructed to arrange with the British and French commanders in Germany for the concerting of plans to meet an emergency military situation in Europe. It will be essential that conversations in London respecting emergency military plans be conducted in the light of those already held or in progress, and with the knowledge, advice, and assistance of the principal responsible U.S. military commanders in the area.

In drawing up a coordinated military supply plan, it may prove advisable to consider supply problems arising out of emergency military plans. At the discretion of the representatives, this aspect may be explored, emphasizing the paucity of currently available supplies, keeping in mind that the principal aspects of the supply plan are obviously a longer-term problem.

The adequate development of a coordinated supply plan will have to be predicated on ultimate intentions as well as ultimate capabilities, and on the development of a practicable longer-term strategic concept. The short-term problem might well be more effectively solved against the background of, and as a contribution toward achieving, the common long-term intent.

For the time being, discussion should not be initiated which has to do with phases of U.S. planning for an emergency concerning guerrilla activity in areas which come under enemy occupation, the support of underground resistance movements, or U.S. action outside Europe and its contiguous areas.

Information from London indicates that the five powers of the Western Union propose a pooling of their equipment and resources under a combined command, that they hope to achieve a maximum standardization of equipment (including standardization with U.S. equipment) and military organization, that they are inventorying their total current military resources and total military potential, and that they are determined to fight in the event of an attack by the USSR. Their comments, as transmitted to the Department of State, are especially significant in two respects.

a.
The current Western Union strategic concept is to fight “as far east in Germany as possible” with a view to “holding the Russians on the best position in Germany covering the territory of the five powers in such a way that sufficient time for the American military power to intervene decisively can be assured. The five powers are now assessing [Page 191] their resources and fully recognize that an attack in the near future would find them militarily weak. They also recognize that their plans must be very closely linked to the American strategic concept and the deployment of such forces as they are prepared to provide for the defense of Western Europe from the outset.” In this connection, the Western Union powers should be brought to realize in due course that American forces for the defense of Europe would initially consist significantly only of those already in Europe. However, those U.S. Forces employed in long-range warfare would contribute substantially to the defense of Western Europe, even though deployed in other areas.
b.
“The extent to which plans for long-term standardization can be advanced at present depends upon American intentions, since it is obvious that standardization with the USA is equally desirable at an early date. However, the acceptance of the principle of standardization must not be allowed to interfere with our immediate preparations of rearmament.” In this connection, standardization with the U.S. on the basis of U.S. equipment will obviously result, on an emergency basis and to a limited extent, with any provision of U.S. equipment to meet the short-term problem of revitalizing the military power of the Western Union nations. The extent of long-term standardization with the U.S. on the basis of U.S. equipment, a type of standardization which appears advisable, should be governed by the estimated future capabilities of the Western Union nations with respect to maintaining and replacing such equipment from their own combined productive capacity. Standardization of items of U.S. equipment on the basis of procurement from Western Union nations should not proceed to the point at which the U.S. is, or is likely to become, largely dependent upon such sources for important items of equipment or elements thereof. (A somewhat closer standardization relationship may be expected to develop between the United States, Britain and Canada than with the continental powers.)

The area of discussions dealing with standardization should also include and emphasize the desirability of standardizing communication procedures, operating techniques, and military administrative, logistical, and tactical organizations.

The representatives will avoid discussing with any of the foreign conferees the policy or plans of the United States with respect to the employment of atomic weapons in warfare.

It is obvious that security restrictions will handicap the United States representatives in the effective execution of their missions; they should accordingly feel free to request authority to depart from these restrictions in specific important cases.

The Joint Chiefs of Staff consider that no U.S. strategic concept need be, or should be, disclosed, but rather the position taken that the United States, while having under consideration various alternative lines of action in the event of a Soviet war of aggression, has [Page 192] fixed on no rigid course and would welcome suggestions looking toward the evolution of a strategic concept, or of strategic concepts in phases, on the basis of which common action might be undertaken.

Consideration of the probable United States part as an ally in a future war should include recognition of inevitable world-wide responsibilities we would be required to undertake in respect to:

a.
Conversion of the United States into the major allied arsenal of war.
b.
Security and operation of sea lines of communication.
c.
Prosecution of the war in theaters other than Western Europe and areas contiguous thereto.

The representatives will indicate no acquiescence in:

a.
Any military plans that might jeopardize or even unduly influence optimum over-all global strategy in favor of either direct military assistance or distribution of equipment.
b.
Any command arrangement for an allied military council for global strategy.

The senior U.S. representative should, at the earliest appropriate opportunity in closed plenary session during the London talks, offer a statement which has first been approved by the Joint Chiefs of Staff and which:

a.
Discloses the keen interest of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in the Western Union, and in furthering the accomplishment of a common security in peace, but if necessary in war, which is essential to the security of the U.S.
b.
Establishes the purposes of U.S. participation.

The service representatives will make no commitments without specific instructions from the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

Supplementary guidance will be forthcoming should the occasion necessitate. In addition, while it is considered that the purposes of U.S. initial participation in the London talks can best be served by holding U.S. representation to a practicable minimum, requests for additional personnel may be submitted, if, in the judgment of the representatives, U.S. participation could thereby be made more effective. Further, while the course of the conversations may well dictate differently, it presently appears that best results could be achieved by holding initial U.S. participation in the London talks to a period of weeks rather than months, with a possibility of later resumption.

The senior Army, Navy and Air Force representatives are authorized [Page 193] direct communication with their respective departments on matters of unique or special concern to their respective services.

  1. These instructions, showing no date on the file copy, are roughly similar to those contained in National Security Council paper NSC 9/4, July 20, 1948, “Guidance for U.S. Military Representatives for London Military Talks on the Western Union of Nations,” a report to the NSC by the Secretary of Defense, circulated for the information of the Council. (NSC 9/4 not printed: S/S–NSC Files, Lot 63D351.)
  2. This quotation, and those that follow, are drawn from NSC 9/3, p. 140, and from the Permanent Commission’s defense statement transmitted to the Department in telegram 2128, May 14, 1948 from London, p. 123.