121.893/9–1547
General Wedemeyer to the Ambassador in China (Stuart)19
Dear Leighton: We have been working day and night to evolve a sound approach to the problems presented in Korea. The same sinister forces that militate against a program of democratization and rehabilitation in other areas of the world, including China, are present in Korea. I hope that I can present this fact forcibly and unmistakably to the President and the Secretary of State.
As you probably know, information pertaining to the Far East from whatever source and of all classifications, is forwarded to me by the State, War and Navy Departments. Therefore, the reports on my Mission in China as submitted by you, have been made available and I have carefully perused them. With reference to your [Page 766] reports concerning reactions on the part of the Gimo and certain Chinese officials,20 I was surprised and disappointed, particularly in view of your reassurances made personally to me in Nanking. With reference to my talk to the members of the State Council and to the Ministers, you voluntarily stated that I had been most courteous, carefully cognizant of Chinese sensibilities and that the frank appraisal of conditions was sorely needed. The Generalissimo himself urged me to make this talk. Mr. Shen reinforced his request strongly and asked me to state very frankly all of the factors that I thought pertinent in order to assist the Chinese Central Government in strengthening their position not only locally, but abroad. You may recall that I emphasized when I did make the talk that I was doing so not as a Presidential Envoy but as a friend of China. Further, I carefully refrained from giving any hint or indication of my intentions, conclusions and projected recommendations in connection with my Mission. My failure to do so I realize has piqued and disappointed the Generalissimo and many of my Chinese friends. But my position precluded definitely any revelation of my projected report to the President.
The Gimo’s interest in the caliber and possible background of the members of my Mission is disconcerting. I can assure you and him that they are friendly. There will be nothing lacking in objectivity and strict fairness embodied in my report.
With reference to the list of wealthy Chinese, the Generalissimo will recall that my initial object in trying to acquire such a list was to ask such people to initiate philanthropies, schools, hospitals and libraries. I felt that this would strongly refute the propaganda of the Communists and would also make the poor people of China feel more kindly toward the wealthy class. My list is probably very inaccurate and I told him so. Also most of the data was provided by Chinese friends. Actually, General Chen Cheng provided the Generalissimo with a list of names covering the rich military leaders. I wrote a letter about a year ago to the Generalissimo concerning philanthropies and sent a copy to T. V. Soong and General Chen Cheng. Now that the financial situation is rather precarious, it seemed appropriate to suggest that foreign holdings abroad should be made available to the government. This would greatly strengthen my position in America, and would increase the Generalissimo’s stand in his own country, when his people realize that everyone is patriotically contributing spiritually and materially to their country’s recovery.
[Page 767]The Generalissimo’s statement that my Mission refused audience to many government representatives is not entirely accurate. In my effort to be objective and to refute, both in China and America, the charge that my personal relations with the Generalissimo and the Chinese Central Government would preclude a dispassionate and true evaluation, prompted me to take steps to contact a cross section of the Chinese people. In the limited time available, we just could not see all of the representatives of the government or those in opposition. As you know, the American Consuls at various points cooperated in arrangements to facilitate contacts and I am certain that they had no intention of denying a proportionate share of contacts to government representatives.
Before my departure from the States, the Secretary of State emphasized and re-emphasized the necessity for concrete evidence that the Generalissimo and his government are establishing a government structure and are instituting reforms (land, tax and political) that provide a basis for U. S. cooperation and assistance. Frankly this must be done. You, on numerous occasions, made similar statements to me. I can not conscientiously tell our President, the Secretary of State or the American people that such steps have been taken or are being taken. My final press release was designed to jolt the government into action and to strengthen the Generalissimo’s position in ruthlessly and realistically accomplishing such reforms and changes in the government. If he, or other Chinese officials, interpret it otherwise, I am sorry, but in my heart and mind I feel that I have conducted myself in the best interest of my own country and of the bulk of the Chinese people.
I would appreciate very much if you would transmit these views to the Generalissimo and to any other Chinese officials whom you deem appropriate. After working so hard in China during the war years and then doing all possible in making talks and writing letters back in the States the past two years to assist China, I am grieved and disappointed, that the Generalissimo or any patriotic, intelligent Chinese could interpret my motives and my actions in an unfavorable light.
I expect to be back in the States as you know about September 16 and I would appreciate a letter from you commenting upon the above points which I intend fully to cover with the Secretary of State.
With sincere good wishes for your good health and happiness. Please give my best regards to Ed and other members of your fine staff.
Faithfully yours,