740.00119 Control (Korea)/1–547: Telegram
The Political Adviser in Korea (Langdon) to the Secretary of State
[Received January 5—1:36 p.m.]
1. Because of the: (a) Prevalent unrest following the first and fruitless anniversary of the Moscow decision,2 (b) the recrudescent suspicion here and perhaps in North Korea that we are setting up a separate government in our zone, (c) the exaggerated ideas of itself and its functions held by the Interim Legislative Assembly, (d) the confusion being created in the minds of some Koreans by Dr. Rhee’s3 campaign and publicity for immediate independence under an undefined South Korean aegis, General Hodge4 is releasing following statement 4 January.5
“In Cairo in December 1943 and again at Potsdam in July 1945, the President of the US approved for his country a formal declaration of the Allied Powers that Korea should in due course become free and independent. Realizing the insecurity of Korea, a small defenseless nation in a troubled postwar world, the US at the Moscow Conference in December 1945 bound itself in an agreement with other major powers as to the general procedure by which Korean freedom and independence would be achieved. This agreement, known as the Moscow Decision, provides for the development of a democratic, unified government for all Korea with the initial assistance by the US, USSR, England, and China. Through this agreement, the Allied Powers assured the world that blood, lives and resources expended by them in making possible that liberation of Korea, would bear fruit and not be wasted, and that Korea would be independent.
[Page 597]The Secretary of State of the US, speaking for his Government, has recently publicly reaffirmed the unchanging intention of the US in the following words:
‘The (State) Dept and the Government’s policy is the same as it always has been and as I have stated several times our policy is to bring about the unification of a free and democratic Korea. We intend to stay there until we have been successful in doing it’
In order to fulfill its commitments to Korea and to the Allied Powers, the US Government placed forces in Korea and has designated the CG of these forces to act as its agent with broad powers. Included in his directives, in addition to his responsibility for commanding of US forces in Korea, is the requirement that he exercise executive power for governing the American Occupied Zone, until the provisional government of all Korea is established or as the executive head of the government within this area, the CG USAFIK, has designated a principal assistant as military governor to act as his deputy in handling the details of the civil government. Either through lack of knowledge of facts or though malicious intent to deceive the Korean people, certain elements are creating the impression that the US now favors and is actively working toward a separate government in Southern Korea; and that the Korean Interim Legislative Assembly is a completely independent body designed as the forerunner of that government.
Both of the above assumptions are incorrect and dangerous conclusions, entirely without justification, and contrary to the announced basic policies of the US and the other great Allied Powers who liberated Korea from the Japanese. In furtherance of the US policy and in order to prepare South Koreans for democratic self-government, the CG, through his deputy for military government, has been progressively drawing Koreans into governmental activities in order that they may, to the maximum extent possible, gain experience and take over governmental responsibility pending establishment of their unified government. This does not mean that he intends to or that he can under his directives shirk his responsibility as executive, or completely transfer his executive power to any other agency until the provisional government of unified Korea is formed. At the same time it is the repeatedly announced and continuing intention of the American Commander to give to Koreans the maximum possible freedom in operation of the agencies of government assisted as required by American advisors and to further all legitimate and proper aspirations of the people of Southern Korea for independence.
The Legislative Assembly is a body established with extensive powers under order No. 118 designed to give Koreans greater influence and voice in the affairs of Southern Korea. It is a great step forward and offers a great opportunity for the Korean people to develop their nation. It may draft legislation lead[ing] into [to] important political, economic, and social reforms pending the establishment of the provisional governmment. However, it must remain clear to all that the legislature is not a government within itself, nor is it the governing body of South Korea. It is exactly what its name implies: An Interim Legislative Assembly with legislative powers to make laws and [for?] enforcement by the executive branch of government, and to assist the [Page 598] executive branch in carrying out government of South Korean according to the will of the Korean people pending the establishment of Korean provisional government under the Moscow Decision.
As previously stated, I and my assistants, in accordance with the policy of the US Government, will continue to work for a united Korea, governed by a democratic provisional government created in accordance with recognized international agreements and with the expressed will of the Korean people which will lead to the independence of Korea as a nation united North and South into one. The desire of the Korean people to achieve unity, dependence and democracy can best be realized by full knowledge of and adherence to the foregoing policies. Efforts to undermine or oppose these policies for selfish political or personal gains can only bring harmful results, and delay the progress of your nation. The Korean people must know and recognize facts as they exist and should not follow the will-of-the-wisp of purely wishful thinking. Those who support and aid in the development of the Korean Government within the framework of the policies will make the greatest possible contribution to the cause of early Korean independence.[”]
The 7th: General Hodge is also releasing the general contents of General Chistiakov’s letter of November 26 and his reply thereto of December 24.6 This is considered advisable in order that the South Korean people may be acquainted with the exchange of letters and any doubts that may exist in their minds about our loyalty to the Moscow decision dispelled.
- For section on Korea in communiqué issued at Moscow, see telegram 4284, December 27, 1945, 3 a.m., from Moscow, ibid., 1945, Vol. ii, pp. 815, 820.↩
- Dr. Syngman Rhee, veteran Korean nationalist leader, then on a visit to the United States.↩
- Lt. Gen. John R. Hodge, Commanding General, U. S. Army Forces in Korea, with headquarters at Seoul.↩
- In telegram 2, January 7, 7 p.m., to Seoul, the Department said that “Gen. Hodge’s excellent statement” was being released to the press on that day (740.00119 Control (Korea)/1–747).↩
- For exchange of letters between General Hodge and Guard Col. Gen. Ivan Mikhailovich Chistiakov, Commanding General, Soviet Forces in Korea, see Department of State Far Eastern Series No. 18: Korea’s Independence (Washington, Government Printing Office, 1947), pp. 28–31. For communiqué issued at Seoul on April 18, 1946, by the U.S.–Soviet Joint Commission for Korea, see ibid., p. 19, Department of State Bulletin, January 26, 1947, p. 173.↩