Foreign Relations of the United States, 1947, The Near East and Africa, Volume V

501.BB Palestine/5–2247

The United States Representative at the United Nations (Austin) to the Secretary of State

secret

[New York,] May 22, 1947.

My Dear Mr. Secretary: My general impression of this Session is encouragement. Although the Session dealt only with perhaps the most simple phase of the problem of Palestine, namely, the initial procedural question, nevertheless I feel that the approximation of unanimity in the passage of the final resolution establishing the Special Committee of Investigation gives us reason to hope that the United Nations can work out an objective solution of this problem which will be in the true interests of the people of Palestine and the maintenance of peace and security. To expedite this happy result, active leadership by the United States will be useful.

Although the United State will not, under the resolution passed by the Special Assembly, participate actively as a member in the work of the Special Committee of Investigation, we should be prepared to state to the Special Committee at the proper time our views as to the solution of the problem of Palestine. The Committee may ask for them early, under its terms of reference. Our views could help the Special Committee in its work. This does not, of course, mean that, once having stated our views, we would bring pressure of any kind on the Committee to accept our proposal as the solution of the problem which it would recommend to the General Assembly. The forum in which our views can properly be pressed will be the regular session of the General Assembly in the Fall.

The time allowed for completion of the Special Committee’s work, taking into account the time which it necessarily will have to spend in travel, is short. This means that the time available to formulate at least a tentative United States position is also short. Furthermore, for a number of other reasons I feel that the sooner we can formulate and have a tentative position the more probable will be the finding of a sound recommendation by September.

It is necessary, therefore, I feel, for us to agree among ourselves at the earliest possible moment upon a working hypothesis which could then be developed in whatever further detail might be necessary for presentation as the tentative views of the United States to the Special Committee of Investigation. Also this would make it possible for us in our discussions with other representatives to the United Nations to state our tentative views in clear and simple terms and thereby get them and their governments thinking along the lines which we consider constructive.

As a basis for a working hypothesis I should like to suggest as broad terms the following:

1. The objective should be an independent Palestinian state which would be admitted as a Member of the United Nations. This would not be a state based on racial or religious factors. It would be neither a Jewish state nor an Arab state. There would be full guarantees of the civil and religious rights and liberties of all minority groups, full account being taken of the special status of the holy places.

2. There should be authorization of a minimum of immigration per year based on the absorptive capacity of the country. This might be as high, for example, as 2½% of the present total population of Palestine for the first two years, and 1% per annum thereafter. Immigration should be on a non-discriminatory, non-privilege basis excepting that greater facilities would be given to relatives and members of families already living in Palestine. The volume of immigration could, of course, be increased by the Palestinian government above the minimum, depending upon the improvement of absorptive capacity.

3. Provision should be made for a period of perhaps five to ten years of preparation for independence. During this period Palestine should be placed under a United Nations trusteeship.

4. During at least this preparatory period provision should be made for economic and financial assistance by the United Nations through its Economic and Social Council and subordinate bodies and the various specialized agencies such as the FAO, the Bank, the Fund, the Health Organization, and UNESCO.

I realize, of course, that the foregoing suggestions involve many controversial and difficult points but I feel that a solution worked out along these lines would be the most objective one and should be the most appealing one to all reasonable people. There is some indication, for example, that the Soviet Union would go along, at least in principle, with a solution of this kind. I refer you in this connection to Mr. Gromyko’s statement before the General Assembly on Wednesday, May 14. Although my optimism may be unwarranted, I feel that a solution along these lines might be acquiesced in by the Arab states. Furthermore, I also feel that such a solution would commend itself to the more reasonable and better-balanced elements of the Jewish population of the United States and other countries.

I hope that it will be possible for you to have work done in the Department along the foregoing or possible alternate lines as a basis for discussion of this matter at your convenience.¹

Sincerely yours,

Warren R. Austin

1. In an undated memorandum to the Secretary of State, attached to Senator Austin’s letter, Mr. Acheson stated: “Our views, which have been discussed with Senator Austin, are reflected in this letter.” The memorandum was initialed by the Secretary of State.