867.00/10–2146

Memorandum by the Director of the Office of Near Eastern and African Affairs (Henderson)10

top secret

There is attached a draft statement of policy on Turkey which represents the present thinking of NEA in this regard. It is partially based upon the Joint Chiefs of Staff memorandum of August 2311 which you have seen, and incorporates all main points made in that memorandum. In line with the wish expressed in one of your telegrams from Paris, we have not attempted to go into detail regarding the means of implementing our suggested policy but have confined our statements in this respect to general outlines.

[Page 894]

If you concur in the attached memorandum, I suggest that it be sent to the Secretaries of War and Navy for their consideration and adoption as an agreed statement of the Government’s policy. This would be of great assistance to the Department by furnishing a definite basis for further practical action. It would also serve to demonstrate to the War and Navy Departments our identity of views with respect to the Turkish situation.

With reference to the section of the statement dealing with arms, I should mention that we have heard the Turks are about to present a request to us for arms which, presumably, the British cannot or will not supply them. We do not know what the Turks want, but we are concerned lest a refusal on our part to let them have any combat equipment in any circumstances, even though the need should be clear and the British should not be able to deliver it, might be interpreted as an indication of a lack of determination to back our policies to the hilt.

L[oy] W. H[enderson]
[Annex]

Memorandum on Turkey Prepared in the Division of Near Eastern Affairs12

top secret

Events of the past year have brought to the fore the vital importance of Turkey in the international picture. It is one of the few nations peripheral to the Soviet Union which is not under effective control of the USSR, but there are unmistakable signs that the Soviet Government plans to add Turkey to its group of satellites. These signs include a persistent campaign by the Soviet press and radio against the Turkish Government, Soviet assertions that various portions of eastern Turkey must be incorporated in the Soviet Union, denunciation by the USSR of the Turko-Soviet treaty of friendship of 1925, and the Soviet notes of August 7 and September 24, 1946 to Turkey in which the Soviet Government insisted upon an arrangement for joint Turko-Soviet defense of the Black Sea Straits.

It is the considered opinion of the United States Government that these moves on the part of the Soviet Union are designed to weaken Turkey with the objective of bringing it under the direct influence of the USSR and enabling the Soviet Union to use Turkey both as a defense against possible outside attack from the Mediterranean and as a springboard for political and military expansion by the USSR into the Mediterranean and the Near and Middle East.

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It is further the view of the United States Government that the successful execution of this Soviet policy would have the most serious consequences. Strategically, Turkey is the most important factor in the Eastern Mediterranean and Middle East. By its geographical position, Turkey constitutes the stopper in the neck of the bottle through which Soviet political and military influence could most effectively flow into the eastern Mediterranean and Middle East. A Russian-dominated Turkey would open the floodgates for a Soviet advance into Syria, Lebanon, Iraq, Palestine, Transjordan, Egypt and the Arabian Peninsula, all of which are at present still relatively free from Russian activities and direct Russian pressure because of their relative remoteness from the sphere of Soviet dominance. It would also dangerously, perhaps fatally, expose Greece and Iran, two countries whose governments are already having the greatest difficulty in standing up to the Soviet Union and its agents. None of the nations mentioned has a government or social order so stable and united as Turkey, and none could be expected to stand against Soviet pressure after Turkey had gone down.

From the purely military point of view, it is the opinion of the War and Navy Departments that if the Soviet Union attained military dominance of Turkey (as would be the case if it were permitted to share in the defense of the Straits), there would be grave doubt whether the eastern Mediterranean and Middle East could be considered tenable for the non-Soviet powers. Political consequences might be even more far-reaching. Because Turkey is so obviously a key point and is so obviously under powerful Soviet pressure, all other nations, large and small, which fear the spreading power of the USSR are watching the current diplomatic struggle with the most intense concern. Any weakening which resulted in even partial attainment of the Soviet objectives in Turkey would have a disastrous effect upon these nations, influencing them to come to terms with the Soviets and abandon support of the United States in its efforts to see that the principles of the United Nations are upheld throughout the world. Such a development would produce a considerable weakening in the comprehensive security situation of the United States.

Fortunately, Turkey appears to be itself firmly determined to resist present and future Soviet pressure. From all information, the Turkish Government and people are united with regard to foreign policy. There does not exist in Turkey the cleavage of public opinion which makes it difficult for Greece, Iran, China and others to defend their positions. Furthermore, alone among Near and Middle Eastern states, Turkey possesses a relatively effective military force which could render difficult the task of an aggressor, even if it were the Soviet Union.

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Despite these favorable conditions, it is obvious that Turkey cannot stand in the face of the USSR if left entirely alone. Turkey lacks the economic and industrial resources, to say nothing of the population, necessary to oppose a major power. Its economic structure is still shaken by the war. The unrelenting war of nerves being waged against it forces the maintenance of a large military force which is a dangerous drain on the nation’s economic strength. On the strictly military side, Turkey is unable to produce for itself the modern weapons and equipment required for defense under present-day conditions.

It is, therefore, the policy of the United States Government to give positive support to Turkey. This policy should be implemented along the following main lines:

1.
Diplomatic. The United States should maintain the firm, though reasonable, position it has already taken with regard to the Straits. If and when occasion arises it should adopt a similarly firm stand with regard to other issues, such as the Soviet desire to annex parts of eastern Turkey. The Turks, the Soviets and the world at large should be left in no doubt whatsoever as to our stand with regard to such questions.
2.
Moral. The United States Government should continue to make clear to the American people the essential elements of the situation, explaining carefully the moral as well as political and strategic bases of our policy. At the same time, we should make sure that the Turkish Government and people also fully understand our position and are confirmed in their belief that we are determined to see the high principles of the United Nations maintained with regard to Turkey. We must especially avoid any action which, reasonable or expedient though it might seem to us, would give the Turks the impression that we were weakening in our support or deviating from our principles.
3.
Economic. A beginning in economic assistance has been made through the authorization of a $25,000,000 Export-Import Bank credit and by assistance in the purchase of vessels to rehabilitate the Turkish merchant marine. This beginning must be followed up by all available means, probably including additional financial credits but not limited to this form of assistance.
4.
Military. For the present it seems preferable for Great Britain to assume the obligation of providing military equipment and munitions whenever necessary to insure proper maintenance and development of the Turkish military forces. This follows because of the treaty relationship between the two countries and because the world in general has become accustomed to the fact that Turkey receives arms from Britain from time to time. If a case should arise where Britain is not in a position to furnish the necessary arms and military equipment, the United States government is prepared to consider the possibility of furnishing such supplies to Great Britain for delivery to the Turks. In a very exceptional case we might consider furnishing certain supplies direct.

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It is not inconsistent with United States policy, however, to provide technical military advice, military instructions, etc., whenever requested by the Turks.

  1. Addressed to the Secretary of State and the Under Secretary of State with the handwritten notation: “Army amp; Navy wants a policy from us.”
  2. Ante, p. 857.
  3. Drafted by the Assistant Chief of the Division, John D. Jernegan. Approved by Secretary Byrnes and Under Secretary Acheson. Copy transmitted by Mr. Henderson in his letter of November 7 to Ambassador Wilson (not printed); he stated therein that the memorandum would soon be sent to the Secretaries of War and Navy “as a statement of the Government’s policy”. (711.00/11–746)