871.00/10–1946: Telegram

The Representative in Rumania (Berry) to the Secretary of State

secret
urgent

981. Redeptel 669, October 16.29 My British colleague30 has shown me Foreign Office draft note to Rumanian Govt and his suggestions for alteration of note. He believes such note is mandatory, as Rumanian reply to last British note on subject of implementation of Moscow Agreement was unsatisfactory and subsequent conduct of Rumanian Govt in preparing for elections has shown gross irregularities.

I am convinced that pre-election treatment of opposition parties has been anything but what we anticipated in Moscow decision. Rumanian Govt admits that opposition is denied use of radio. It is common knowledge that members of opposition parties do not have freedom of public assembly. In brief, Govt’s pre-election policy is designed to stifle opposition. Intimidation has been widely used. Oppressive means are generally applied. No registration of voters known to be members of the opposition parties is general rule. This policy has been applied with such ruthless thoroughness that actual polling on November 19 may be quite fair. That day may even mark quietest national election ever held in Rumania. At same time it will mark most unrepresentative election.

The British obligations to Rumanian nation based upon Yalta and Moscow are no greater than our own. In past we have taken leadership in attempt to fulfill these obligations. We have not succeeded fully because Soviet Govt has not shown good faith that we had right to expect of it, nevertheless, by our actions in Rumania as pointed up in our notes of May 27 and June 14, we have secured grudging respect of Government and gratitude of opposition. Consistency on our part requires us at this time to reaffirm our principles and demand of Rumanian Govt fulfillment of obligation it assumed as condition to receiving our recognition.

[Page 639]

But before embarking upon that course we must foresee its consequence. First, in practical field, note from American Govt is unlikely to bring any material change in policy of Soviet Govt as applied through Rumanian Govt to win forthcoming elections by heavy majority. Nevertheless, note will reaffirm to Government seriousness with which American Govt regards obligation once undertaken. It will bolster morale of opposition and will strengthen bond between US and great mass of Rumanian people who, through helplessness, are unable now to give expression to their democratic principles. It will confirm the faith of those Rumanian nationalists who later on may become nucleus of movement which we may need particularly.

At same time note will put us in position where we cannot without, losing immense prestige recognize results of forthcoming elections. It follows that we cannot appoint Minister to Rumania while an unrepresentative government remains in office. Therefore, I recommend decision not be taken upon what present circumstances in Rumania require, but rather upon line Dept desires to take in future toward this country. If it wishes to maintain fighting diplomatic front a firm note is required. If, however, it is going to recognize the validity of most fraudulent elections ever perpetrated in Rumania and confirm that recognition by appointment of Minister, the least said publicly at the present time about Rumanian elections the less bad is our position. If this course is chosen, I plan in private conversations with Government officials and party leaders to repeat position we took in our notes to Rumanian Govt and which Secretary took in his conversation with Mr. Tatarescu. Honesty requires me to say, however, that such private conversations will not bluff the Rumanian Govt, nor sustain the ebbing strength of our staunch Rumanian friends.

Berry

[Telegram 680, October 22, to Bucharest, authorized Representative Berry to deliver a note to the Rumanian Foreign Minister regarding the forthcoming Rumanian elections (871.00/10–1946). Text of the note was subsequently somewhat altered at Mr. Berry’s request. Regarding text as finally delivered on October 28, see the bracketed note, page 644.]

  1. Not printed (871.00/10–1646); it asked for comments on the démarche proposed in the British Embassy aide-mémoire of October 16, supra.
  2. Adrian Holman, who had become British Political Representative in Rumania in March 1946.