Matthews Files
Matthews Minutes 1
The President opened the meeting by calling on Mr. Stettinius to report on the 12 o’clock meeting of the foreign ministers. Mr. Stettinius read his report. Upon the conclusion of the section on Poland Mr. Molotov interrupted and said that he would like to make a few remarks. It was decided to hear his remarks on Poland prior to the reading of the rest of Mr. Stettinius’ report.
Molotov: We accept as a basis the proposal put forward this morning by Mr. Stettinius. We would like to come to an agreement, adding only some amendments. The first sentence we would modify to read that the provisional government should be “reorganized on a wider democratic basis with the inclusion of democratic statesmen in Poland and Poles living abroad.” I have a second amendment to suggest. In the sentence on the holding of elections, I would revise to read: “In these elections all non-Fascist and anti-Fascist democratic parties would have the right to take part and to put forward candidates.” My third amendment is the omission of the last sentence of Mr. Stettinius’ draft which we feel would seriously offend the sensibilities of the Poles.
I have one more request to make. The carrying out of the Yugoslav settlement has been delayed. Since Mr. Churchill agreed on this settlement we feel that it should be carried out immediately.
[Page 851]Prime Minister: We can settle that in just a few minutes but let us wait until we finish discussing Poland. (This was agreed to.) I am glad to see that there has been a great advance towards a solution of the Polish question. I should like to have more time to study the problem.
(The President suggested a half hour intermission and this was agreed to but the Prime Minister continued.)
I mean more than that. I do not feel that we should hurry away from the Crimea leaving these vital problems unsolved or reach hasty decisions. These are among the most important days that any of us shall live. Of course you could all go away and leave me in this delightful spot but I do urge that we stay a little bit longer to conclude our discussions satisfactorily.
(There was no comment by either the President or Marshal Stalin on this statement.)
On Yugoslavia there were only two amendments to the agreement which Marshal Stalin has now had an opportunity to study.
Stalin: I agree with both of the suggested amendments but after the unified government is formed we will be in a position to carry them out. I propose that we first proceed with the formation of this unified government of Tito and Subasic and then we can proceed with the amendments.
(A copy of the British proposed amendments to the Tito-Subasic government is attached.)2
Eden: We agree to this if it is likewise agreed that both of us will support the adoption of these amendments.
Stalin: This must be finished before we separate. We must have a promise that the Tito-Subasic agreement be carried out immediately creating a new government, irrespective of what fantasies there may be in the head of King Peter. Has Subasic actually left for Belgrade?
Eden: We telegraphed last night to find out but have not yet heard. Any delay must be due to weather.
(Here followed the intermission during which consideration was given by the Americans and British to Molotov’s amendments to Mr. Stettinius’ formula.)
President: I find that it is now largely a question of etymology—of finding the right words. We are nearer than we have ever been before. I believe there is a chance of real agreement to settle this question of the period before the Poles can hold their election. I have two examples of what I mean by the use of words. Mr. Molotov says that the present Polish government should be reorganized on a wider basis. This is difficult for those recognizing the Polish government [Page 852] in London. I suggest that the words be changed to, “The Polish provisional government now functioning in Poland.” I have another example. Mr. Molotov proposes the elimination of the last sentence. (He reads it.) I suggest that some gesture be made to show that there will be an honest election. Therefore, I think that a little more work by the three foreign ministers tonight—we are sufficiently close— might settle the question. They can report the results of tonight’s meeting to us tomorrow.
Prime Minister: I agree with the President that there has been continuous progress towards a united declaration by the three principal powers. I agree with the President that the matter should be tidied up by the three foreign secretaries and reported to us tomorrow. But there are two points which I should like to emphasize now. The first is a small one. It arises out of what Marshal Stalin said yesterday. He said that Poland has been liberated and the enemy driven away—that is a great new fact. It is a good point to make before the world that the Red Army has liberated Poland. Therefore, a new situation has been created. This calls for the establishment of a new provisional Polish government, that this now be more broad based than before liberation. That gives a good chance for what we say to be received favorably by the world. It is ornamental but it is important to us.
The other point is much more important. That is the last sentence of the United States draft. I want to make an appeal to Marshal Stalin. We are at a great disadvantage in discussing Polish affairs for we I now very little but must take great responsibilities. We know there are very bitter feelings among the Poles. Very fierce language has been used by Mr. Morawski. I am informed that the Lublin government has openly declared its intentions to try as traitors all members of the Polish Home Army. This causes us great anxiety and distress. We are perplexed in forming our view. Of course, I put first the non-hampering of the operations of the Red Army against Germany. But I would ask the Marshal with patience and kindness to consider our position. We really do not know what is going on except through a few people we parachuted in and a few we brought out through the underground. I don’t like to obtain information that way. How can this be remedied without hampering the movements of the Red Army, which movements are, of course, before everything else in importance? Could any facilities be granted to the British—and the United States would no doubt like to participate—in order to see how the Polish quarrels are being settled? That is why the last sentence is so important for us. Might I say if elections take place in Yugoslavia, Tito will have no objection to Russian, British and American observers to assure the world that they are [Page 853] impartial. So far as Greece is concerned, when elections are held, which we hope will be soon, we would greatly welcome U. S., Russian and British observers to show the world. The same thing is true of Italy. There are vast changes in the Italian political situation. There must be elections to form a constitutional assembly or parliament. Our formula is the same. The U. S., Britain and Russia should be observers to see that they are carried out impartially. These are no idle requests. In Egypt whatever government conducts the elections wins. Nahas wanted elections when he quarreled with the King. The King said, “No, not while you are in office.” When he turned Nahas out the King’s people won.
Stalin: I do not believe much in Egyptian elections. It is all rotten corruption there. They buy each other.
Prime Minister: Anyway, we seek this formula.
Stalin: What percentage of the people read and write in Egypt? In Poland 70% can read and write.
Prime Minister: I do not know the Egyptian percentage, but I meant no comparison with Poland. I only wanted fair elections. This should be considered with the Poles. I do not want to go on any longer. We have agreed to think this over. But I must be able to tell Parliament that elections will be free and fair.
Stalin: Mikolajczyk is a representative of the Peasant Party. The Peasant Party is not Fascist and will take part in the elections. Those candidates will be allowed to stand.
Prime Minister: Yes, specifically as a government is formed.
Stalin: Yes, the Peasant Party will be represented. This can be done in the presence of the Poles with various people present.
Prime Minister: In Parliament I must be able to say that the elections will be held in a fair way. I do not care much about Poles myself.
Stalin: There are some very good people among the Poles. They are good fighters. Of course, they fight among themselves too. I think on both sides there are non-Fascist and anti-Fascist elements.
Prime Minister: I do not like this division. Anybody can call anybody anything. We prefer the terminology democratic parties.
Stalin: I refer to the declaration on liberated areas. On the whole I approve it. I find in a certain paragraph the same expression, anti-Nazism and anti-Fascism.
President: This is the first example for the use of the declaration. It has the phrase to create democratic institutions of their own choice. The next paragraph contains the following: (c) to form interim governmental authorities broadly representative of all democratic elements in the population and pledged to the earliest possible establishment through free elections of governments responsive to the will of the people.
[Page 854]Stalin: We accept that paragraph three.
President: I want this election in Poland to be the first one beyond question. It should be like Caesar’s wife. I did not know her but they said she was pure.
Stalin: They said that about her but in fact she had her sins.
President: I don’t want the Poles to be able to question the Polish elections. The matter is not only one of principle but of practical politics.
Molotov: We are afraid to leave this phrase in without consulting with the Poles. They will feel that it shows a lack of confidence in them. It is better to leave it to the Poles.
President: Why not leave this for the foreign ministers and talk about it tomorrow?
Stalin: I think in the first place in the words “present provisional Polish government” we can delete the word “present.” We can say, “the Polish government which acts in Poland.”
President: The only thing left is this declaration on liberated areas.
Prime Minister: I do not dissent from this declaration but I want to be on record that the Atlantic Charter I once interpreted as affecting the British empire. We are pursuing the Atlantic Charter. I sent a copy of this interpretation to Wendell Willkie.
President: Was that what killed him? (Laughter)
Prime Minister: I will furnish the conference with a copy of this record. (This part was not clear.)
Eden: I suppose it would be left open for France to associate herself with this declaration at a later date.
Stalin: Three would be better.
Molotov: I should like to add at the end of the third from last paragraph the following phrase: “and there will be secured a wide measure of support to men in those countries who have taken active part in the struggle against German occupation.”
Prime Minister: (This seemed irrelevant) On Greece there was no question of setting up an allied commission but if Marshal Stalin wants to send in military observers they can go anywhere they like.
Stalin: I have full confidence in the way things are going.
Prime Minister: I should like to discuss the treatment of war criminals. I sent a paper to the conference at Moscow. This is an egg I have laid myself. (He then discusses at some length the question of having lists prepared of principal war criminals and the question of holding trials.) There is nothing of course that would be said in public about this because I fear retaliation on our prisoners. (The President indicates that we are not ready to discuss this question at this meeting.)
President: I propose adjournment.
[Page 855]Prime Minister: I should like to announce that the British troops began an attack at dawn yesterday in the Nijmegen area. They advanced about three thousand years [yards] and are now in contact with the Siegfried Line. They were not strongly resisted. Several hundred prisoners were taken. Tomorrow the second wave will follow and the American Ninth Army comes in. The offensive will continue without cessation.
The meeting adjourned.