894.50/10–2544

Report by the Second Secretary of Embassy in China (Service)87

No. 31

Subject: Chinese Communist Views Regarding Post-War Treatment of Japan.

To: Commanding General, Fwd. Ech. USAF–CBI, APO 879

1.
There is attached a memorandum of Chinese Communist views regarding the peace settlement and post-war treatment of Japan. This is based on notes of a conversation with Po Ku on September 12, 1944. Po Ku88 is in charge of propaganda for the Communist Party, is a member of its Political Bureau (equivalent to a standing committee of the Central Committee), and is considered one of the Party’s active policy makers. His views on this subject are generally similar to those expressed by other Communist leaders.
2.
The Chinese Communists do not have hopes of a Communist Japan: they seek instead a democracy like that which they plan in China. They ignore the problem of the Emperor. They hold it necessary to give Japan reasonable opportunities for economic recovery and stability. This will include freedom of participation in the economic development of China.
3.
It is apparent that the views of the Chinese Communists are closely similar to the program of the Japanese Communist Party as set forth by Okano Susumu. This program was the subject of my report no. 24 of September 8, 1944.89
4.
It is requested that copies of this report be transmitted to the American Ambassador at Chungking and Headquarters, USAF–CBI, for the information of Mr. Davies.
John S. Service

Approved for transmission:
David D. Barrett, Colonel, G. S. C.

[Enclosure]

Memorandum of Conversation, by the Second Secretary of Embassy in China (Service)

Subject: The Treatment of Japan.

Japan must be completely defeated so as to discredit the militarists who caused the war. This means decisive military defeat.

Colonies and all conquered territory must be taken away from her. Formosa and all of Manchuria must come back to China.

Japan will have to give up her Navy and Air Force. Her Army will have to be small and made democratic in character.

We must not impose heavy indemnities. Peace terms, except those which force Japan to disgorge her conquests and disarm, should not be heavy. More harm than good will be done by trying to “crush” Japan.

It is best for the time being to do nothing about the institution of the Emperor. This is a Japanese problem which cannot be solved by foreigners.

Instead, everything possible should be done to encourage and strengthen the democratic forces of the people in Japan. These must rest on the workers and peasants. Hence they must be given opportunities to organize themselves for the promotion of their own interests. If democracy within Japan is given a chance to develop, the Emperor question will eventually be solved by the Japanese themselves.

Communism is as impractical in the near future in Japan as it is in China. We therefore do not try to promote Communism. Instead we realize that Japan must progress, for a long time to come, on the basis of democratic capitalism. We therefore abjure any slogans of “down with the capitalists”.

However, we must prevent the centering of power in the hands of the few large capitalistic families. It must be remembered that they were willing allies of the militarists and hence supporters of the present war. We must therefore be on our guard against the pseudo-liberal front behind which these monopoly capitalists will try to seek shelter.

[Page 587]

The promotion of democracy in Japan will depend on fair treatment. It will also depend on example and education. This is why we Communists consider our program of good treatment and education of Japanese prisoners so important. Although admittedly on a small scale, we believe that every convert we make in this way will be an active worker for democracy in Japan. The fact that we give the best possible treatment to prisoners, and do not even attempt to detain them unless they themselves wish to stay, has an effect not only on the prisoners themselves but on the rest of the Japanese troops fighting us. No Japanese soldier campaigning in our areas can help seeing the effects and benefits of our practical democracy. If the prisoners elect to stay with us, they are given full freedom and all the privileges of regular members of our Army. They are not regarded or treated as prisoners. We spare no pains to educate them and instill them with our democratic ideas. They are not subjected to pressure to become Communists. Here in Yenan, and in other areas as well, they study under Japanese teachers. They have freedom to vote and enjoy all the rights of citizenship. They elect their own representatives to the Municipal and Border Region Political Councils. They administer the affairs of their own school. One great advantage of this program is that the greater number of these Japanese voluntarily work to spread these ideas among their comrades still fighting on the other side.

After the war Japan must be given opportunity for peaceful commercial development. She cannot live entirely within her own islands. Markets and raw materials must not be denied her.

Japanese should be welcomed to assist in the needed industrialization of China. Japanese now living in China should be allowed to remain here if they so desire—it being understood that extrality is a thing of the past. There should be no discrimination against Japanese business in China, which should be given the same opportunity afforded other foreigners—full freedom so long as they do not work against China’s interests.

The only Japanese territory over which there may be argument is Korea. We believe that Korea should have full freedom. The Koreans are never going to learn to stand on their own feet unless they have a chance to do so. Kuomintang suggestions that the Koreans may need help is pure “poppy-cock” and is typical of present Kuomintang imperialism which is shown so clearly in China’s Destiny.

(Po Ku dodged the question of the Japanese mandated islands which are now being captured and used as bases by the United States.)

  1. Copy transmitted to the Department by the Ambassador in China in his despatch No. 3092, October 25; received November 14.
  2. Also known as Chin Pang-hsien, who returned to China in 1932 at the behest of Stalin, then Secretary General of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.
  3. Not printed.