841D.01/268: Telegram
The Ambassador in the United Kingdom ( Winant ) to the Secretary of State
[Received March 14—11 p.m.]
2064. Answering question in House of Commons today on Ireland, Prime Minister28 said that initiative in recent step had been taken by United States because of danger to American armed forces from presence of Axis missions in Dublin, and that His Majesty’s Government had been consulted throughout by American Government and had given American approach full support. He said that British Government for some time past had taken a number of measures to [Page 238] minimize danger to Allied cause involved in retention by Mr. de Valera’s Government of the German Minister and Japanese Consul with their staffs in Dublin. He continued:
“The time has now come when these measures must be strengthened and the restrictions on travel to Ireland announced in the press yesterday are the first step in the policy designed to isolate Great Britain from Southern Ireland, and also to isolate Southern Ireland from the outer world during the critical period which is now approaching. I need scarcely say how painful it is to us to take such measures in view of the large numbers of Irishmen who are fighting so bravely in our armed forces and the many deeds of personal heroism by which they have kept alive the martial honor of the Irish race. No one, I think, can reproach us for precipitancy. No nation in the world would have been so patient. In view however of the fact that both British and British Dominion lives and the lives of the soldiers of our Allies are imperilled we are bound to do our utmost to obtain effective security for the forthcoming operations. There is the future to consider. If a catastrophe were to occur to the Allied armies which could be traced to the retention of the German and Japanese representatives in Dublin, a gulf would be opened between Great Britain on the one hand and Southern Ireland on the other which even generations would not bridge. The British Government would also be held accountable to the people of the United States if it could be shown that we had in any way failed to do everything in our power to safeguard their troops”.
Prime Minister’s statement was received with evident approval by House. He refused to be drawn into discussion of what measures might be taken to safeguard border between Ulster and Eire or other future steps.
Local press comment indicates belief that there is no probability of economic measures against Eire. Diplomatic correspondent of Times wrote this morning:
“There are no signs that the Government intend to interrupt the mutually valuable trade between Britain and Eire, and very many people would speak against such a proposal. When they supported the American Government’s request to Mr. de Valera, and on Sunday night when they put almost a complete stop to travel, the Government had only one purpose in mind. That is to safeguard military information. The ban on travel is in no way a reprisal—as sanctions would be—for Mr. de Valera’s refusal of the American request. It is simply an elementary safeguard. The channel for the possible information is closed at this end as it is not being closed at the other. The ban hampers Ulster people and business men on this side of the channel just as much as the Southern Irish. In Ulster it has been accepted loyally. Indeed, there the chief complaint is that it does not go far enough. Severe restrictions, it is said, should be imposed on the easy comings and goings across the land boundary between Ulster and Eire. Hundreds of people cross the boundary each day, and Ulster members [Page 239] of Parliament have asked for restrictions several times in the past. London officials do not doubt that Mr. de Valera has sought to prevent the enemy diplomatists and their agents from passing on information to their countries. He closed down the German wireless transmitting station as soon as he knew of it. But information has been reaching Eire in a flood. Often it has been little more than gossip. But its value and its price increase as great military enterprises are being prepared, and the Germans must be considered to be ready to use extraordinary measures to get even a hint out of Eire about forthcoming plans. Such measures might easily evade Dublin’s watch. Furthermore Mr. de Valera himself has said (in January 1942) that the I.R.A.,29 having ‘declared war’ on Britain, is presumably willing to help Germany. I.R.A. agents have been caught in Ulster and in England. In March 1942 a man was caught in Ulster bearing instructions from the I.R.A. headquarters for the discovery of the exact number of American troops in Ulster and other military secrets. The risk to be countered is not only careless talk but planned espionage. Against that background the American request appeared moderate. Against the suggestion that Irish neutrality would be wrecked by closing the enemy missions there stands the example of Portugal.30 Portugal went much further than the Azores bases to help in safeguarding shipping, but her main policy in Europe remains unaffectedly neutral.”
All papers carry statements by Prime Ministers Mackenzie King and Curtin31 concerning their refusal of Mr. de Valera’s request that they intervene to secure withdrawal of American note, and their expression of solidarity with Anglo-American position. Mr. Churchill said in House of Commons this afternoon that Commonwealth was united in its attitude on this matter.
Papers also carry Secretary’s press conference remarks concerning dangers of espionage in Ireland.
Editorials in today’s Daily Herald, Daily Mirror and Daily Worker and last night’s Evening Standard give renewed support to Anglo-American measures. Herald states that British and American publics however “should not allow themselves to be goaded into a revengeful mood”, and holds that the two governments “would blunder badly if they should take any measure against Eire which was not strictly confined to security purposes”. It asserts that any attempts to “punish” Ireland would not increase security but revive all the old hatreds in full strength, and add both to difficulties of wartime task and problems of peace settlement.
- Winston S. Churchill; for text of statement, see Parliamentary Debates, House of Commons, 5th series, vol. 398, cols. 36–38.↩
- Irish Republican Army.↩
- See vol. iv , section under Portugal, entitled “Efforts of the United States to obtain from Portugal certain military privileges …”↩
- John Curtin, Australian Prime Minister.↩