841D.01/251a: Telegram

The Acting Secretary of State to the Minister in Ireland (Gray)

30. The Irish Minister on March 7 left the following reply from Mr. de Valera to the note you handed him February 21:

“The note of the American Government was handed to me by the American Minister on February 21st. I informed him at once that the request it contained was one with which it was impossible for the Irish Government to comply. The Irish Government have since given the matter careful consideration and I now confirm the reply which I then gave verbally.

“The Irish Government have also received the assurance of the American Government conveyed to the Irish Minister at Washington and later confirmed by the American Minister here in an interview with me on February 29th,23 to the effect that the American Government did not contemplate proceeding to military or other measures because of the reply which had been given. The American Minister quoted in particular the President’s personal message to me of February 26, 1942, that ‘there is not now nor was there then the slightest thought or intention of invading the territory of Ireland or of threatening the security of the Irish’ and added that this attitude was unchanged.

“The Irish Government wish to express their appreciation of this assurance. They were indeed surprised that so grave a note as that of February 21st should have been addressed to them. The terms of the note seemed to them altogether out of harmony with the facts and with the traditional relations of friendship between the Irish and American peoples. They doubted that such a note could have been presented had the American Government been fully aware of the uniform friendly character of Irish neutrality in relation to the United States and of the measures which had been taken by the Irish Government, within the limits of their power, to safeguard American interests. They felt moreover that the American Government should have realized that the removal of representatives of a foreign state on the demand of the Government to which they are accredited is universally recognized as the first step towards war, and that the Irish Government could not entertain the American proposal without a complete betrayal of their democratic trust. Irish neutrality represents the united will of the people and parliament. It is the logical consequence of Irish history and of the forced partition of national territory.

“Already before America’s entry into the war, the policy of the Irish Government toward Britain, America’s ally, had been directed toward carrying out the intentions indicated in a statement of policy made by me in Dail Eireann on May 29th 1935, namely that ‘our territory would never be permitted to be used as a base for attack upon Britain.’ That policy has during the war been faithfully pursued. From the beginning, by the establishment of strong observation and defence forces, by a wide and rigorous censorship of press and [Page 233] of communications, by an extensive antiespionage organization and by every other means within our power, we have endeavoured to prevent the leakage through Ireland of any information which might in any way endanger British lives or the safety of Great Britain. Since the United States entered the war, the same spirit of scrupulous regard for American interests has been shown. American officials have had an opportunity of seeing the measures which have been taken—they have indeed made favourable comments on their effectiveness—and it is satisfactory to observe that in the note itself not a single instance of neglect is alleged and no proof of injury to American interests is adduced. Should American lives be lost it will not be through any indifference or neglect of its duty on the part of this State.

“As was known to the American officials, it is true that the German Minister had a wireless transmitter, but he had been for a long time debarred from using it and it has been in the custody of the Irish Government for some months. As regards the two parachutists dropped in Ireland last December, they were apprehended within a few hours. Two other agents dropped here since the war began met with a similar fate. The fifth, who arrived during the first year of the war, remained at large until December 3rd 1941, but the police were aware of his presence here almost from the first moment of landing, and successful activities on his part were rendered impossible. The total number of persons, inclusive of these parachutists, suspected of intentions to engage in espionage, and now held in Irish prisons, is 10 foreign and 2 Irish nationals. These are the facts, and it is doubtful if any other country can show such a record of care and successful vigilance.

“The British Government have informed the Irish Government that they welcome the initiative of the American Government in sending the note and that they attached the utmost importance to it. The Irish Government do not wish to comment on this, except to remark that it is perhaps not known to the American Government that the feelings of the Irish people towards Britain have during the war undergone a considerable change precisely because Britain has not attempted to violate our neutrality. The Irish Government feel sure that the American Government would agree that it would be regrettable if any incidents now should alter that happy result.

“The Irish Government are therefore safeguarding, and will continue to safeguard, the interests of the United States, but they must in all the circumstances protect the neutrality of the Irish State and the democratic way of life of the Irish people. Their attitude will continue to be determined not by fear of any measures which could be employed against them but by good will and the fundamental friendship existing between the two peoples.”

Fragmentary and speculative reports have been appearing in the American press as they have in the British press. We are receiving inquiries but for the present are giving out no information pending further consideration of the whole matter and possible additional steps in the light of de Valera’s reply.

Please repeat to London.

Stettinius
  1. See telegram No. 36, supra.