851.01/2105: Telegram

The Consul General at Algiers (Wiley) to the Secretary of State

805. For the Secretary from Murphy. General Giraud invited me to call last evening. There were also present Catroux, Macmillan and Monnet. The reason for the meeting was General de Gaulle’s dictatorial speech in London on May 4th.20 General Catroux read the entire speech to us and also read his recent exchange of telegrams with de Gaulle, including one which he transmitted yesterday after reading the speech. Catroux makes it quite clear that he believes his role as negotiator has terminated in view of the fact that de Gaulle has chosen to conduct his own negotiations by public radio.

In his recent telegrams to Catroux, de Gaulle, in an almost childish manner, insisted that he would come to North Africa when he pleased and to whatever town he wished. He accuses Giraud of inviting him to the city of Algiers and then welching on that invitation. [Page 109] Giraud on the other hand, states he has never invited de Gaulle to the city of Algiers. Catroux admitted, and everyone agreed, including Macmillan, that de Gaulle’s speech is an open confession of a drive for personal power.…

Macmillan, who is visibly disturbed over these developments, takes the position that the matter is a serious one for his Government and that, as would be done in the case of a domestic political manoeuvre, it would not be well to let the opponent take advantage of an insignificant issue such as whether the meeting would be held in one town or another. The issue, he suggested, must be joined on substantial questions of principle which would be understood by the public. He made the suggestion, which he said was only personal as he had no instructions from his Government, that Giraud inform de Gaulle that, as his speech dodges every question of principle involved, no meeting can occur between them at any place if de Gaulle does not agree in advance to: (1) recognition of the procedure, including the application of the Tréveneuc law of 1872 for the establishment of the future provisional government of France; (2) selection of the persons who will make up the executive committee of the French Central Council.

The suggestions appealed to Giraud and Catroux except that Giraud said he saw no reason for making any concession regarding meeting in the city of Algiers as this would only be construed as another concession and another sign of weakness.

This informal discussion was left on the basis that an urgent reply de Gaulle from Giraud is not necessary. He will make one after careful reflection.

It seems to me that the speech of de Gaulle clearly demonstrates once more that the National Committee will take advantage of every conciliatory gesture to endeavor to reduce Giraud’s power in this area. Either de Gaulle wishes to come to Algiers, where he feels that his increased popularity brought about by effective propaganda and Giraud’s delay in fortifying his administration will enable him to seize power, or he feels that the longer he delays giving any commitment regarding the future government of France thus putting off the meeting the greater will be the pressure of French opinion for fusion on any basis. Thus also will he be able to dominate the situation. In either event Giraud’s prestige and consequently our own are seriously compromised.

Positive action, preferably in concert with the British Government, should be taken to prevent the situation from further deteriorating, since it is further clear that the National Committee, feeling that it may have the support of the British Government, is making definite efforts to weaken our own position here. For example, in de Gaulle’s telegram to Catroux of May 3d, de Gaulle made derogatory references [Page 110] to the United States in effect, as the power against which the French must join forces. He said that he could not consider meeting Giraud in Marrakech because it was nothing more than an annex of an American aviation base. It will furthermore be claimed that if Giraud refuses to meet de Gaulle on the issue of the places of meeting the Americans are responsible for this action and consequently we shall have to accept the responsibility for blocking French unity in the face of a popular demand therefor.

In my opinion the time has come when this matter must without delay be thrashed out with London and the necessity of establishing a common policy must be realized by the British Government. It may be difficult to induce the public, in the face of recent buildups, to believe that Giraud has suddenly become “democratic” and de Gaulle a Fascist, but on the other hand the British Government is in effect subsidizing and facilitating the operation of an organization which evinces hostility to the United States. In Tunisia, for example, the Eighth Army has permitted General Leclerc21 forces to recruit from neighboring forces of General Giraud because Leclerc was enabled to offer more pay, and better clothing and rations than the men received in Giraud’s army.

The CinC22 has now ordered a cessation of this activity. The Eighth Army proposed to install representatives of the Fighting French in the civilian administration of the various towns occupied but this program was stopped by our civil affairs officers in the area. The de Gaulle mission in Algiers has been coordinating an active and effective propaganda effort throughout French North Africa. It is seemingly equipped with abundant funds.

To Department and to London repeated. [Murphy.]

Wiley
  1. For French text, see Charles de Gaulle, Discours aux Français, vol. ii, p. 175.
  2. Jean Leclerc, Commanding General of the Fighting French Forces in Africa.
  3. Commander in Chief.