The Chinese Minister for Foreign Affairs (Soong) to President Roosevelt18

My Dear Mr. President: General Chiang Kai-shek has sent me a message from Kunming which he asked me to deliver to you in person, and which I am enclosing herewith. As you have been so generous to me in giving me your time in the past, I forbear to impose myself further on you unless you desire to discuss the message with me.

[Page 605]

The Canadian Government is making arrangements for me to make a short visit to Canada, leaving tomorrow afternoon at 3 p.m. and returning in about three days. If necessary, however, I would of course postpone my departure.

With high regard, I am,

Yours sincerely,

Tse-ven Soong
[Enclosure]
Telegram From General Chiang Kai-shek to Dr. T. V. Soong, Dated Kunming, February 24th

‘I have conveyed to Wellington Koo19 the following instructions:

“I presume you have seen my farewell message to India.20 Please take this opportunity to tell Churchill that I am personally shocked by the Indian military and political situation which are in such a state that I could never conceive of before I arrived in India. I am afraid Churchill himself does not know the real situation. It may be best to talk to Cripps21 first and for him to inform Churchill.

“I have tried to view the colonial problem most objectively. I could not but speak frankly of what I thought. But I feel strongly that if the Indian political problem is not immediately and urgently solved, the danger will be daily increasing. If the British Government should wait until Japanese planes begin to bomb India and the Indian morale collapses, it would already be too late. If the solution is postponed until after the Japanese armies enter India, then it will be certainly too late. If the Japanese should know of the real situation and attack India, they would be virtually unopposed.

“If the political situation in India were to change for the better, this may prevent the enemy from having any ambitions to enter India.

“Please convey the above to Cripps. Also point out that, in my opinion, if the British Government should voluntarily give the Indians real power and do not allow different parties in India to cause confusion, the Indians would change their attitude toward England, forget their hard feelings and become loyal to the British Empire. Only such a policy could halt the Indian trend to part from the British Empire and make it obvious that it is unpolitic and disadvantageous to secede from the Empire.”

Please convey my views to the President. In a word the danger is extreme. If the British Government does not fundamentally change their policy toward India, it would be like presenting India to the [Page 606] enemy and inviting them to quickly occupy India. When I think of it I am both worried and alarmed. Besides deluding themselves and deluding the people with the belief that there is no immediate danger, there is no realization that war is on and there is no determined spirit to fight. The defeat in Malaya was so rapid, probably for similar reasons, and as for military preparations, the present Indian military preparedness very much behind even of that the British had in Malaya.’

  1. Copy obtained from the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library, Hyde Park, N. Y.
  2. Chinese Ambassador in the United Kingdom.
  3. This was issued through the Associated Press, following a visit to India in February by Generalissimo and Madame Chiang. Reports on this visit from the Commissioner in India (Wilson) not printed. In telegram No. 51, February 25, 1 p.m. (740.0011 European War/19723), Commissioner Wilson reported: “Nothing of value has yet been disclosed of Chiang’s intimate talks with the prominent leaders.”
  4. Sir Stafford Cripps, British Lord Privy Seal, about to head a mission to India in an effort to arrange a settlement of issues.