840.50/617

Memorandum of Conversation, by the Assistant Secretary of State (Berle)

The Soviet Ambassador came in to see me at his request. He said that he thought the matters that he wished to take up were in Mr. Acheson’s hands, but that he had heard Mr. Acheson had left or was shortly to leave on vacation. If this were not true, of course he would talk to him.

Mr. Acheson’s office indicated that he hoped to get away tomorrow for a holiday.

I then said to the Ambassador that if these matters were urgent or could not wait until Mr. Acheson’s return, I would be glad to try to see that they were put into proper channels. If, on the other hand, they were not urgent, I thought it would be better to wait and talk to Mr. Acheson upon his return.

The Ambassador thought these things ought to move forward and thereupon stated the situation.

He asked if I was familiar with the draft of the proposed relief organization.

I told him that I had been familiar with the draft up to the time when it was taken over by Mr. Acheson for discussion, as the Ambassador knew, with the British, Soviet and Chinese Governments.

The Ambassador said that his Government had given him a string of questions, which he thereupon gave me. They were:

1. Where was the seat of the organization to be?

I said that I understood this was open. In the earlier discussions we thought that it was not possible to determine this question except in the light of all the circumstances.

2. Where was the Director General to function?

I told him that so far as I knew this also was still open.

3. Was the Director to be chosen from among the members of the four great powers or should he be an outsider?

I said I could not answer this. In the discussions in the earlier phases of it, a full-time Director had been suggested who would be subject to the policy-making functions of the Council. There was nothing to prevent him from being a member of the Council but the American way of thinking contemplated an executive operating under ward.

4. Would the Director sit on the Committee and vote?

I said that unless he were a member of the Committee he probably would not vote.

5. What powers would the Regional Committees have—advisory or active?

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I said that I did not know. In earlier discussions we had thought that the disparity of situations would be so great that it would be better to leave that kind of question to the Council at the time. Regional Committees working in highly organized countries might work in one way; a regional organization working in an area which was chaotic might work in still another.

6. Would the Committee heads be elected or appointed?

I said I thought this question was still open.

7. As to the standing committees, what members should be on them?

I said this had been left entirely flexible and discretionary in the draft. But since they were in the nature of technical committees the Council might wish to appoint heads.

8. Should the sub-committees be subordinate to the Central Committees or Regional Committees?

I said I thought they would be subordinate to the Central Committees.

9. How many alternates might the Director General have?

I said this was open.

10. Might the alternates be members of the Council?

I said that we could not determine that. It would depend in part on the kind of people the governments chose to represent them on the Council.

11. Who would determine the sums which might be required of the local governments,—the Regional Committee or the local governments themselves?

I said that this was a new clause to me and I did not undertake to say. Off hand, it was difficult for me to see how any government would give any committee a blank check on its treasury so, presumptively, negotiations with the local governments were indicated.

I then said that before he accepted these answers as final, I wished to check them with Mr. Acheson who was carrying on these discussions; and that I would endeavor to have him advised in this regard as soon as check had been made. I hoped to do this before Mr. Acheson left on his holiday. In view of the fact that Mr. Acheson was actually carrying on the discussions I felt this was essential.

The Ambassador readily agreed.

I said that, in general, one could draft either for a very rigid organization or could draft rather loosely on the theory that no one could quite foresee conditions. I personally thought the latter was true in this case.

The Ambassador said he was somewhat of this mind and that his own view was that all of these questions were, on the face of the draft, open.

He asked whether we had any ideas as to whether the Director General should be from any particular nation.

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I said that, in frankness, I should tell him that the British had suggested he be an American. There were some advantages in this from our point of view—among other things increased political support we should derive from the project which was dependent in considerable measure on appropriations from this Government.

Finally, he asked whether the revised draft which had been sent him embodied the British suggestions.

I said he might consider it an American draft. While I understood the British had made some suggestions, it was hoped that everyone would feel free to make them. The draft as it now stood was strictly an exploratory draft of the American Government. I would likewise have this confirmed by Mr. Acheson’s office.

I told the Ambassador that in no sense did I wish to interrupt the normal course of discussions with Mr. Acheson’s office, but since the Ambassador felt the matter pressed for time and in view of the imminent departure of Mr. Acheson, I was prepared to take it this far and arrange for confirmation.

A. A. B[erle], Jr.